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The Centre For Human Rights & Democracy (CEDEM) in Podgorica
HUMAN RIGHTS IN THE MONTENEGRIN MEDIA
Monitoring period: May 2000
Almost all the attention of the Montenegrin state and private media in May
was dedicated to post-electoral negotiations on the establishment of the
government and conflicts on the position of Montenegro as a state. Consequently, media gave very little space to other things. In fact, only one
per cent of inner political sections in Montenegrin dailies was dedicated to
subjects other than party negotiations or consultations concerning the
composition of the new government. State electronic media gave even less space
to human rights issues. Refugees and their rights failed to hit the cover pages of the state daily
Pobjeda the private dailies Vijesti, Dan, or the newly launched Glas Crnogorca
during the analysed period. However, these newspapers - especially Vijesti - did
publish articles taken from foreign newspapers and agencies about incidents
concerning human rights violations in Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina (for
example, the violent anti-Islamic demonstrations in reaction to laying the
cornerstones of the mosques in Trebinje and Banja Luka). Even here, the political division of Montenegrin society was obvious: while
Vijesti was reporting on the fierce reactions in Bosnia and across the world on
the events in Trebinje and Banja Luka, Glas Crnogorca (close in ideology to the
coalition "Together for Yugoslavia") sent a symbolic message on the
same events. Through the headline "Instead of Islamic [flag] - Serbian
Flag" (front cover, May 24), they implied the incident concerned political
attitudes rather than severe violation of human rights in the neighbouring
country. Generally there was a small number of headlines on human rights violations
within Montenegro.
In May, the daily newspaper Dan presented a specific form of human rights
violation, previously unheard of in Montenegro. The newspaper, which is managed
by Momir Bulatovic's "Socialist National Party (SNP), published a large
number of articles on the 'violation of the human rights of voters after the
Montenegrin parliamentary elections". From 6 - 12 of May, Dan emphasised in
many texts that the Republic Electoral Committee was interpreting the law
wrongly, which prevented the SNP from participating in the Montenegrin
parliament. According to an editorial opinion, the human rights of those who
voted for the SNP were thus violated. On 1 May, Dan announced the complaint of
the SNP had been submitted to the Montenegrin Constitutional Court, and also to
the International Court for Human Rights Protection in Strasbourg. Over the
following days it published several articles of eminent SNP officials who
offered proofs for the violation of SNP voters' human rights. Other media did
not pay special attention to this case, except for minimal information on the
attitudes of Bulatovic's party: Vijesti noted the SNP complaint to the
Strasbourg Court (3 May), as did Glas Crnogorca.
Coverage of the co-operation between FRY and the Hague Tribunal was stepped
up in Montenegrin media during May. While other Montenegrin media, both state
and private covered the topic through parties' relationships within Montenegro
and the FRY, Dan interpreted the initiative for co-operation with The Hague as
an "act against law and ethics which most seriously violates the Yugoslav
citizens' rights" (Dan - May, 12, 14, 18).
Since the refugee crisis during 1999, when more than 100 000 refugees found
shelter in Montenegro during the NATO raids, the conviction that Montenegro is
an "ideal oasis" for troubled people who have been left without a home
in their homelands has been prominent in local and international commentary.
However, Montenegrin media indicated that the situation is not even close to
ideal, and that in Montenegro, too, refugees are exposed to pressures that could
be classified as open violations of human rights. Vijesti daily (3 May) reported that the managing team of the infamous Trepca
mine in Kosovo, had submitted a criminal charge against seven refugee families
lodged in Meljine near Herceg Novi. The short article explained how the Trepca
management asked the Montenegrin state to evict the refugees, as they 'usurp the
company's resort'. The same information was carried the following day by the
state daily Pobjeda, but the other Montenegrin dailies, and the state electronic
media remained silent on the subject. Two days later (5 May) through a separate commentary, Pobjeda asks: "Why
do Montenegrin collective centers cancel hospitality to refugees?" In the
article under the headline "In Front of the Closed Door" it was
emphasised that from December 2000 not a single pfennig had been paid to
collective centers for reception of refugees in Montenegro, and the appeal of
Djordije Scepanovic, the Republic Commissar for Refugees, was also quoted.
Scepanovic emphasised that the blockade of the state "Montenegrobanka"
had halted the regular inflow of money to the account of The Refugee
Commissariat, thus bringing Montenegrin collective centers to a "critical
situation". The news which appeared on 10 May in Vijesti came as a real sensation. The
newspaper announced that the Church Municipality of Kumbor asked 50 000 DEM from
the Montenegrin state as compensation money for refugees staying at their
property. Next day, the representatives of the mentioned municipality denied
this information in the Glas Crnogorca. The independent weekly Monitor an issue to this topic - the church attitude
towards refugees (Monitor, no. 552; May, 18; supra-title: When the Church
Charges Charity; the cover picture: Metropolitan of the Serbian Orthodox Church,
Amfilohije, with a cross in his hands). The refugees' accusations- with full
names - were given in the report from Kumbor. They criticised the Serbian
Orthodox Church fiercely for its intention to force them out from the church
land. Monitor comments "Forcing refugees out from the church land is not in
any way related with Christianity. The mission of the church in the first place
should be mercy, help to those who are in trouble. But, the Serbian Orthodox
Church in Montenegro has for a long time been more of a political than spiritual
institution. Today, it forces out people from its property for whose destiny, to
a certain degree, it is responsible, as one of the most persistent promoters of
unification of holy Serbian countries - of politics which burned the Balkans and
left millions of people without homes".
The daily Dan was the publication which, during the analysed period, gave
most attention to the relationship of the Montenegrin state and individuals. In
several issues, the newspaper addressed the destiny of the former FRY and Serbia
president Slobodan Miloševic, openly supporting him. "Thwart the fatal
outcome of Milosevic's sickness and do not be an accomplice in his silent murder"
beside which headline Dan published a full page appeal of the Republic and
federal deputies, numerous doctors "to the widest public in Serbia and the
FRY". However, apart from supporting the legal treatment of the prisoner Slobodan
Miloševic, Dan also twice described cases when state officials acted outside
their remits, and caused drastic violations of human rights. In an article
entitled "Who Beat in the Corridors?" Dan described the behaviour of
members of Montenegro's police force who, according to their sources, beat
citizens in Berane. "Slavko Djurovic, Vladan Lazovic and Mirko Kalezic were
suspected to have been in one of the three-member teams, composed of well
trained policemen. The logistics man, a policeman of extraordinary strength,
trained in Italy, was a certain Brajusko Brajuskovic," wrote Dan,
confirming that policemen had beaten citizens who publicly supported the
survival of Yugoslavia. This information was denied as soon as the next day by
those mentioned who stated that it was all just a lie. After this denial, Dan
did not write about this case any more, nor has any other media paid it any
attention.
source: http://www.iwpr.net/index.pl?archive/bcr/bcr_20010711_1_hr_eng.txt |
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