"Vreme" No. 565, November 1, 2001

Burden of Alliance

by Velimir Curgus Kazimir

For how long did the victorious coalition of allied powers last in World War II? Until Potsdam? Or Nürnberg? In these parts, Trieste turned out to be the first diplomatic test case of the alliance which had emerged victorious from the war. In ideological terms, in 1944 already, it became quite clear who was the true ally and who was not. However, this was never an issue on the domestic political scene despite the traumatic experience of 1948. Our allies were "progressive" forces while our adversaries were the powers of darkness, i.e., capitalism.

After more than half a century the dilemma has both external and internal implications. Who are the allies, and who are the opponents of the new political elite after the overthrow of the Milosevic regime? Democracy has made it possible for people to tune in freely to VOA, RFE, RTS, RTV Pink and BKTV, even RTV B92. No one will persecute anyone because of your choice. Formally, today everyone is embracing the ideas of democracy, reforms and modernisation of Serbia. Only the new Albanian elite in Kosovo believes that it is still too early for democracy, reforms and modernisation in Serbia - until after Serbia agrees to independence of its southern province.

Essentially, the situation is, however, entirely different. Democracy, reforms and the modernisation of the country require those essentials which have been in short supply during the past fifty years - responsibility for the future of the country and its citizens. Such a responsibility cannot be set apart from what those "allies" have or have not done during the past decade. Italy, let me remind you, capitulated in 1943 and, naturally, joined the Allies. Something similar happened to Bulgaria. However, I do not recall these countries having effectively joined the Allied coalition. (They did try to do so, but somehow they could not manage it.) How have Pink, BK, Politika and others come to be allies? The Serbian government should be the one to answer this question. What are the interests, what is that blindness which made it possible for the Pink media empire to consolidate and expand even more rapidly and to a larger extent in the post-Milosevic era than during his totalitarian rule? At the same time, Radio B92, and particularly TV B92, is stranded on the margins whose limits are accurately defined: democratic legitimacy must be exclusively symbolic in its character - namely, this broadcaster's range and area of coverage reaching no more than about thirty per cent of the population of Serbia.

This is unambiguously both a clear, political message and a concrete political decision. Let us ask ourselves who may benefit from this.

Undoubtedly the ones who had acquired privileges and gained favourable positions during the Milosevic regime, those who had built their financial, cultural and family empires while ordinary people had fallen prey to all-out robbery and warmongering. Perhaps this attitude of mine may seem like a moralist outrage, a futile cry of a disappointed veteran astonished at the proportions of the robbery and corruption of those who engineered it, but it appears to be, nonetheless, more proper and more normal behaviour than this trivial rhetorical question/comment: "Well, what did you expect in the first place?" Perhaps, prominent politicians may benefit from such a pervert alliance as they believe that right now it is of utmost importance to gain influence and control over the most powerful media amidst the rumours of forthcoming early elections. And then, in this make-believe world, after the election victory everything would be resolved in a proper manner. I fear that such a perspective is not only myopic but completely idiotic - our "allies" are much more pragmatic and more cunning than the politicians pursuing short-term interests between two election campaigns. They would stop at nothing to secure and further strengthen their position.

My anger, perhaps, is partly derived from my memory of Radio B92's humble beginnings and a crowded room in Dom omladine building with Veran, Sasa and Slonce, a sound engineer, in it. I have seen many organisations, publishers, newspapers, magazines, intellectual circles and similar phenomena coming to life and soon perishing before my very eyes. Sometimes they would cease to exist because of overt political pressures, sometimes due to lack of necessary funds and sometimes because of a generation change. However, never has anything, even remotely similar to Radio B92, come to existence in this region. At issue, here, are not only material, technical prerequisites which have to be met - unfortunately, we have already grown accustomed to such things. At issue is a unique phenomenon - for the first time there was a medium which was an unparalleled combination of a brilliant Belgrade tradition of intellectual freedoms and sharpness, daringness and football fans' folly, youthful high spirits, sincerity and talent and, above all, courage to persist in and remain constant to one's convictions and beliefs in the face of obstacles and difficulties, even at the cost of being left out in the cold to rely solely on one's own resources. It is a paradox that Radio B92 constantly endeavoured to destroy itself as a conventional medium in order to expand its influence on entirely different kinds of media. Internet, Cinema REX Cultural Centre, music and film production, publishing house… those were all the paths where even those richer and much more powerful media would have ended up wasted and entrapped in the quicksands of media diversity. Undoubtedly, Radio B92 was not only a small metropolitan radio broadcaster but a whole movement. And then, at one point, the Milosevic's regime finally understood what was going on, but it was too late to do something about it.

I remember Katy Morton, then the president of the Committee to Protect Journalists, CPJ, but also the wife of Richard Holbrooke, when she came to Belgrade in December 1997 to help Radio B92 get back on the airwaves. This was the first time when we were told of that preposterous official explanation for disruption of B92 broadcast due to "water in a coaxial cable of the transmitter". The story told by Katy Morton about her meeting with Milosevic ("he's smoking a lot again, he looks bad") was only a reflection of what Radio B92 meant to the people not only in Belgrade but the whole world. Only a few people were aware of the fact that this radio was a representative of a true Serbia which the world believed in, of Serbia which did have its future. Which leader on the Serbian opposition political scene at the time was trustworthy as far as the world was concerned? Vesna Pesic, probably, but one must admit that she represented a small and relatively uninfluential political party - Civil Alliance. Radio B92 people could have established their own G17 as far back as 1997 and materialised their influence and political gains in time if they truly had wanted to. (Now, I am not quite sure that this was not a mistake.)

Nevertheless, the story about allies has its ugly - internal aspect. Namely, I am referring to the alliance of independent media. No one fought so consistently, so stubbornly for all the media and journalists who came under fierce repression of the former regime like Radio B92 did. At the same time, B92 experienced the worst kind of vicious attacks by its closest colleagues. Many awards presented to Veran Matic were the reason for enormous jealousy and envy - instead of takng pride in their joint professional success. The issue of funds is a special chapter in this story. The myth of vast sums of money allegedly bestowed upon Radio B92 from all sides simply overshadowed all other issues. Even the regime of Slobodan Milosevic was more moderate in presenting its "evidence" against B92 than some independent media.

I have been "following" the changes in the Matic's office for the past twelve years. Many a time have I seen piles of books, notes, cassettes scattered all over the room. Never have I seen, though, luxury furniture, Armani suits, a Rolex watch or a bar with alcoholic drinks. If plain black coffee and Coke are still being served to welcome guests, how come that none of the funds allegedly lavished upon B92 have never found their way to this room? Perhaps, Veran gives only a false appearance, perhaps he loves to delight in his giant money vault filled with enough money to swim in like Scrooge McDuck does? Why, then, don't the likes of Bogoljub Karic, Zeljko Mitrovic and others also pretend? Do they really have to show off in public and put everything on display? Villas, and swimming pools, and luxury cars, and the whole menagerie? Undoubtedly, this is a world of its own, a world to which normal people do not belong. Not only because they have or have not, but, above all, because every normal human being can tell the difference between decency and indecency, between dignity and vulgarity, stupidity and true wisdom. Also, I know very well how many people in Belgrade and throughout Serbia lived on the money procured and distributed by B92. We are talking not only of professional journalists, but writers, musicians, artists, filmmakers…

Perhaps some truly believe that Serbia would sooner become a modern, democratic and decent country if its leaders remain these strutting and boastful owners and arrogant swindlers. Of course, they must be pondering all the time how to help their compatriots introduce a rule of law in this country and make it a place where gaol sentences are in store for those inclined to practice tax evasion or fraud.

NGO sector is neither particularly sensitive to the current position of Radio and TV B92. NGOs seem to think that this broadcaster does not cover their activities as, in their view, it ought to, or, perhaps, that their rivals receive too much of undeserved publicity. Besides, it is not quite clear whom B92 actually favours? Who likes B92 less? Kostunica or Djindjic? You cannot even label it as a broadcaster "close" to the Radicals or the Socialists. Well, this must be indeed a rather peculiar broadcaster. Why does it not make a choice? You cannot behave like that! It does not seem fit nor proper!

However, at issue here is no more whether B92 favours one specific political option. This is far more serious: both sides have realised that B92 belongs to no one, and that it will remain so. In their view, this very fact makes it much more dangerous and unpredictable. Besides, the important issue is also its reputation and credibility in public. People will surely put their faith in such an impartial and unbiased broadcaster. Of what good are top ratings and popularity to Pink TV if there is no credibility? The story about RTS is another special chapter of the story. Tomorrow, when Canak seizes his portion of RTS, who would be the one to offer an alternative on the media scene in Vojvodina? Obviously, this is why a nationwide political consensus has been reached in relation to B92. Namely, B92 must not become a national broadcaster! (Well, at least, there is a consensus on something in this country.) Of course, it would make no sense to claim that B92 itself has not made some mistakes in its efforts to define and strengthen its position in legal and technical terms. There is a long way to go from mere lip service paid by the majority of DOS MPs to the B92 achievements so far to real influence and decision-making at the level of the Republic of Serbia. It is rather discouraging that the process of decision-making is to such an extent shrouded in secrecy and obscurity that you can never know what is actually a political decision, and what is only one's personal view or caprice. Unfortunately, this is a serious political problem we will soon have to deal with.

What particularly astonishes me in relation to this issue, this scandal in fact, is Zoran Djindjic's disdain and contempt of the common sense and native good judgement of Serbian citizens. (Vojislav Kostunica and his media advisors seem to be preoccupied with more important issues than listening to and dealing with their citizens.) Earlier, I thought that Zoran Djindjic's managerial skills are the best answer to inherited conservative spirit stemming from nationalist tradition and pathos. I believed that, consequently, he would easily recognise who his true allies are for this painstaking and laborious task ahead of us. Zoran Djindjic and the Serbian government could lose much more than a couple of percentage points in the polls on account of their mistreatment of B92. In modern jargon it is called "a strategic partner", is it not?

(Translation by B92, 6-11-2001)

source: MHxJu
published by: Roland Brunner rbr@medienhilfe.ch date of release on this site: 7-11-2001

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