IWPR & MEDIA PLAN

MONITORING REPORT

8 January 1997: Vol II/ No 6

The B&H Media Fortnight in Review: 16 December 1996 - 5 January 1997

The B&H Media in Review

The pace of political developments in Bosnia & Hercegovina accelerated as Dayton's first year expired and the second was born. On one ordinary winter's day both a government and a parliament for B&H were formed. Father Frost escaped with only minor injuries from the renewed contention over his origins and the suitability of his mission to Bosnia. Thanks to the international community, the "Croatian Republic of Herceg-Bosna" was abolished, while "deputies from the Federation" received the right to vote in the Republika Srpska Assembly without having to swear an oath on the gospels. The "state of war" in the Federation was revoked, though the curfew was only suspended for the holiday season, its retention a mnemonic invocation of wartime. The vehicles of IFOR, meanwhile, were being subjected to another paint job. The New Year was celebrated - albeit not very joyously - over two days in the Federation, but only on one in RS. The domestic media asked ever more often how people were going to be put to work on other days, thereby heralding a return to "peacetime" themes. In this bulletin we focus on:

• The formation of common B&H institutions
• Radio's forgetfulness and preaching
• The abuse of media in Serbia
• A review of "TV-INFO."

Carl Bildt's Reply

In the last number of Monitoring Report (18 December) we asked the High Representative for an authoritative interpretation of the proper titles of the members of the collective B&H Presidency. Media in the Federation commonly use the terms "president of the Presidency" (predsjednik Predsjednistva) and "members of the Presidency" (clanovi Predsjednistva), while the RS media generally employ the forms "chair of the Presidency" (predsjedavajuci Predsjednistva) and "president in the Presidency" (predsjednik u Predsjednistvu). Carl Bildt has replied as follows:

• Thank you for your question concerning the correct titles for members of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The term used throughout the constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina is clanovi Predsjednistva (members of the Presidency). This is the term also used in the Serbian language text.

  Concerning the titles of individual members of the Presidency, the term Predsjednik (President) is correct. However, in correspondence Mr. Izetbegovic should be addressed as Chair of the Presidency.

A Question for Spasoje Albijanic

(Minister for Civil Affairs and Communications in the B&H Council of Ministers)

More than a year after the signature of the Dayton agreement, telephone and postal links between the Federation and RS have yet to be restored. The reopening of communications is a precondition for the free flow of information and free media.

• Dear Mr. Albijanic,

  We approach you as the competent minister in the newly formed Council of Ministers with the request that you explain why telephonic links between the two entities remain broken and what you, personally, will be doing to eliminate the communications blockade.

  Monitoring Report

With Mixed Feelings

Months of negotiations were required to produce what happened suddenly on 3 January. With a speed which was unnatural in B&H circumstances, both houses of parliament were formed, a council of ministers was named and held its first session, and the presidency convened for a working meeting. Expressions of satisfaction at this turn of events failed to obscure, however, the mixed feelings of the media. Judging by the TV pictures, it was the face of Michael Steiner which shone most brightly. He had parleyed a difficult gambit on the political chessboard into a victorious conclusion.

TV B&H had been fully engaged in covering the story of the on again-off again formation of common government institutions. Citing most often the Office of the High Representative, "Dnevnik" led regularly with items on the possible reasons why the inaugural session of the B&H Parliament would be postponed. Reporting on 21 December that the Serb side wanted the two houses to meet at different locations, "Dnevnik"'s presenter opined that this proposal would be rejected "because the Federation parties do not want a travelling circus." The compromise (or concession) that was soon made in this regard was not, however, commented on further.

TV B&H provided live coverage of the whole sitting of the House of Representatives in Sarajevo on 3 January. "Dnevnik", for its part, offered a lengthy report on the session, with clips from the speeches of the two co-premiers and all three presidents. The extract from Momcilo Karjisnik's remarks had the Serb member of the Presidency note that "B&H can only endure if all its nations feel equal and secure." The producer of the report presumably felt this part of Krajisnik's speech was appropriate to the occasion. But Co-Premier Haris Silajdzic had disagreed. He declared that "B&H will endure regardless of the functioning of the common organs." The package, however, had placed Silajdzic's reaction before the sound bite from Krajisnik's statement, thus giving precedence to national priorities rather than to chronology.

The next day "Dnevnik" broadcast reactions to this first parliamentary session. Steiner, Silajdzic, Hasan Muratovic and the opposition deputy Sejfudin Tokic were interviewed. Although it would have been difficult to secure an RS view, the absence of a Croat voice was inexplicable. Or was this, perhaps, an effort to demonstrate the monolithic unity of Bosnjaks in representing their highest national interests?

Radio B&H covered the establishment of the government and parliament correctly and intelligibly. Only a certain editorial distaste for Krajisnik's use of the term "civil war" was obvious.

Unlike RTV B&H, Srpska TV saw little reason for excitement. It provided no live relay of the inaugural session of the House of Nations in Lukavica, despite Krajisnik's assertion in his welcoming remarks to the delegates that "if such an institution had existed in 1992, then many things would be different today" ("Novosti", 3 January). The SRT editors in Pale were content to offer rather sketchy reports from these sessions on "Novosti". Nor were there any special evening broadcasts reporting on the sitting of the RS National Assembly. Actuality clips broadcast by "Novosti" were reserved exclusively for Serb representatives. Other actors were allotted a more or less subordinate status. Only Silajdzic received greater attention: and he was attacked - in an item which mixed commentary with reporting - of "speaking in terms unknown to Dayton" of a "united" and "integral" B&H. Srpska TV showed no inclination to run with the story over successive days.

An illustration of the attitude of SRT towards Bosnia's new common institutions was offered by one editorial lapse in the broadcast of the phone-in show "And what do you say?" on 30 December. One caller suggested that Presidency sessions should be filmed so as to exclude Izetbegovic from the picture. The presenter, whose zeal as a propagandist exceeds his skill as a television performer, saw only technical obstacles to the realisation of this proposal.

Radio Hercegbosna covered the sessions of the all-B&H organs correctly but without any enthusiasm. It, too, let the story die over the next few days.

TV Serbia aired only one short item about the formation of a B&H government and parliament. Croatia's HRT, on the other hand, accorded these events a high billing on "Dnevnik". The "Motrista" programme on 3 January permitted itself a somewhat freer interpretation: "The Bosnjaks see in the Council of Ministers a state government, but the Serbs only an advisory body. Many interpret the fact that Silajdzic and Bosic will trade places every week as proof of each side's fear that the other will not yield power if it wields it for longer than seven days."

Whose Afraid of Father Frost?

Given the ardent religiosity of contemporary Croatian nationalism, it was to be expected that Radio Hercegbosna would devote considerable time to celebrating the most popular of Christian holidays. The New Year's holiday, for its part, was treated as a mere extension of Christmas. But even the festive spirit and seasonal invocations of peace and goodwill could not escape the politicisation of intra-federal quarrels. The raising of tensions commenced with the news, broadcast by "Dnevnik" on 20 December, that Bosnjak representatives had rejected a proposal by their Croat colleagues to decorate Travnik's City Hall with a Christmas tree. Radio Hercegbosna's reporter concluded that the "maltreatment of Travnik Croats and returnees continues", but that an "appeal for help has been sent to international institutions."

The next day, among the Christmas greetings, was a news item from Zenica: two Christmas trees on the streets of the city had been cut down. The journalist interpreted this as a none-too-subtle message for Croats in Zenica. There followed a report on the success of the SDA's campaign to suppress the celebration of New Year's Day in schools on Federation territory. Corroboration was provided by a quotation from the UN spokesman in Sarajevo to the effect that "teachers in many schools in the city have complained of SDA activists advising them that it would be better not to organise New Year's celebrations and visits by Father Frost."

As Christmas festivities gave way to those of the New Year, the media spotlight was turned on attacks on Croats in Mostar (29 December) and Travnik (30 December), where four individuals "who spoke Arabic harassed a group of nine Croats."

The negative New Year's atmosphere was only superficially alleviated by Bozo Rajic, president of the HDZ B&H. Radio Hercegbosna broadcast his statement that "Croat officials will face two big challenges in the coming year: one being the Muslims' attempts to transform the B&H Federation into a more unitary state, and the other the Serbs' secessionist projects."

In the first "Dnevnik" of 1997, the duty commentator reverted to the question of the Croats' precarious status: "If even Father Frost, or Santa Claus, can be exiled from the territory of B&H, it is hard to believe that a peaceful life will be possible in this state, not so much because we could lose Father Frost, but because of the threat that Christmas itself might disappear."

Without exception, Radio Hercegbosna attributes all problems in the Federation to the "Bosnjak-Muslim side". It thus shuts its eyes to the daily expulsions of Bosnjaks, especially from west Mostar, as well as to other incidents in which Bosnjaks are the victims. It makes use of international sources of information in a strictly one-sided manner. Its uncritical defence of the Croat national cause makes a casualty of fundamental professional standards.

The Fogetfulness of Radio B&H

The basic weakness of Radio B&H's afternoon "Dnevnik" is that this newscast, both in terms of its content and the reach and composition of its editorial and reporting teams, addresses an audience more Bosnjak than Bosnian.

This denial of its own name is confirmed every day by the absence of virtually any breaking news from either RS or those parts of the Federation under Croat control, except, of course, for crimes such as the expulsion of Bosnjaks and the destruction of their homes. The listener will thus learn nothing about the harvest of maize in Semberija or of grapes in Citluk, nor of a mass of harmless but possibly relevant information. Are these absences the fault of communications difficulties, or do they represent editorial policy?

At the turn of the year, however, "Dnevnik"'s editorial filter proved to be too fine to let through many news items that were close at hand. The banishment of Father Frost - about which other domestic and foreign media were stewing - was swallowed up in an informational black hole by Radio B&H. Similarly, there was no mention of the thugs in New Sarajevo who beat up two Radio ISV journalists whom they considered to be defenders of the fabled benefactor of children. Nor was the same event noted in coverage of the SFOR briefing on 20 December. It is even stranger that professional solidarity proved insufficient to move "Dnevnik" to report the protest of the Independent Union of Professional Journalists at this significant attack on colleagues. And while the beleaguered Father Frost may himself have derived some satisfaction from the 3 January defence offered by MBO Vice-President M. Kafedzic ("nobody has the right to deprive children of New Year's joy and its symbol, because they have no confessional meaning"), Radio B&H said nothing similar on behalf of the old elf.

An effort was made by "Dnevnik" to evoke Christmas eve in several B&H cities, but only in those under Armija control. But no mention was made either of the tear gas bomb thrown in front of Sarajevo Cathedral during midnight mass (25 December) or of the removal of Christmas trees in Zenica (22 December), even though the trees were later put back in place. Nor, for good measure, did "Dnevnik" report on SFOR's seizure of 11 multi-warhead rocket launchers intended for the B&H Army from the Bratstvo factory in Novi Travnik, although this incident had featured in the Holiday Inn press briefing on 23 December.

Were these cases of forgetfulness, or attempts to spare listeners from upsetting news?

TV Serbia: The War of Flags

Slobodan Milosevic's reply to the letter from American Secretary of State Warren Christopher was taken by TV Serbia as the starting shot for a reinforced propaganda campaign on behalf of the embattled regime. Rallies in support of Milosevic, organised in a number of smaller towns, received blanket coverage on state TV, overshadowing all other political developments. The climax came in Belgrade, where the reclusive Milosevic himself spoke at a large rally. "Dnevnik" devoted an entire 30 minutes to this event on 24 December. The newscast made sure both to convey the majesty of the occasion and to cleanse it of the accompanying and unpleasant incidents on the streets of Belgrade. The pictures of dramatic conflict between protestors and police which were broadcast round the world the same night were nowhere to be seen on TV Serbia. Only the following day did state TV air a few shots of the street fighting, blaming "extremists" from the Zajedno coalition for the incidents. Later, instead of covering the funeral of the demonstrator Predrag Starcevic, "Dnevnik" alleged that no injuries had been found on his body and charged the opposition with manipulating his death. As evidence it showed a facsimile of the autopsy reporting that Starcevic had had a heart condition (28 December).

The most common targets of TV Serbia's propaganda were the foreign flags in the hands of the demonstrators, their presence taken as proof positive of the opposition's treason rather than as symbols of the demonstrators' demand that Serbia should rejoin democratic Europe. In their search for illustrative material, TV Serbia's cameras took especially bitter pleasure in searching out every German flag on display. The declaration of war on foreign flags obviated any need to discuss the real causes of the political ferment.

TV Serbia also sought to defame opposition leaders, as well as other public figures whose activities it judged threatening to the regime. Vuk Draskovic was portrayed by "Dnevnik" as a person in permanent conflict with the world around him: with OSCE (23 December) and with Patriarch Pavle and the Montenegrin leadership (30 December). Zoran Djindjic, for his part, was said to have been eating roast ox in Pale with Karadzic when NATO planes bombed RS (29 December). As an example of Djindjic's offensive "mockery" of his own people, "Dnevnik" quoted his quip that it would be impossible "to find ten people with all their front teeth" at a Milosevic rally (23 December). The writer and former Yugoslav president, Dobrica Cosic, was castigated for suggesting the partition of Kosovo; while Ivan Stambulic, onetime president of Serbia and patron of Milosevic, was attacked for arresting Serbian writers (18 December). The political liquidation of the historian Ivan Djuric (who ran against Milosevic in the 1990 presidential election and joined the demonstrators from his exile in Paris), was announced in the following terms: "Wherever Ivan Djuric is to be found, there can be nothing good for the Serb nation" (27 December).

The marches through their streets which had become the most popular activity of Beogradjani were increasingly relegated by "Dnevnik" to the sports section of the newscast - when they were not simply ingnored. Television viewers in Serbia could watch New Year's Eve celebrations in New York, London and other cities abroad, but not the festivities of several hundred thousand students and demonstrators in the centre of their capital.

Identifying itself totally with the government, Serbia's state TV renounced any obligation to inform its viewers about events it did not like. The Serbian Orthodox Church now also fell foul of the network's willfulness. Not only was no mention made of the Episcopal Council's explicit condemnation of the regime's betrayal of national interests, but in subsequent days "Dnevnik" sought to create an impression of cordial relations between church and state by broadcasting, three days running (4-6 January), a variety of Christmas bouquets addressed to Patriarch Pavle by republican and federal luminaries.

The propaganda fever which has gripped TV Serbia has also produced hallucinations about "world-wide support for the leadership in Belgrade" (Dnevnik, 26 December). In this stifling atmosphere, there is no need to adduce facts. Illusion and reality have become interchangeable.

"TV-Info": Neither Fish nor Foul

TVIN's evening newscast, "TV-INFO", was monitored over the period 16-30 December. (Owing to a breakdown in its satellite uplink, TVIN was off the air from 31 December through 6 January.) This monitoring confirmed the widespread assumption that there remain significant discrepancies between the proclaimed goals of the Open Braodcast Network and its actual accomplishments to date. The main aims underlying the formation of this internationally-financed alternative TV network for the whole of B&H are hardly contentious. On the contrary, such a network could powerfully stimulate media pluralisation and democratisation, improve the flow of information and promote a cultural heritage (and heritages) uncontaminated by nationalistic exclusivities.

For now, however, one cannot speak about TVIN as a systematically founded network. Not only is the scope of its coverage limited by the modest signal strength of its four local founding stations (and Banja Luka transmitter), but the whole project is still in the first stages of programme development. In fact, in terms of programming and production, TVIN effectively exists only through one programme - "TV-INFO".

This newscast broadcast 219 separate news items or reports in the 15 monitored editions. Of these 219 items, 44 related to B&H as a whole. This relatively small proportion may be a consequence of the tardy formation of central state bodies. As far as leading state functionaries were concerned, it was striking that Alija Izetbegovic appeared in this role only once (meeting with Italian President Luigi Scalfaro).

In terms of geopolitical representation, many more items originated from the Federation (75) than from Republika Srpska (9). The proportions were similarly skewed as regards individuals: 93 persons from the Federation appeared on screen in the period under review, compared to eight from RS, not one of whom was a politician. In fact, pictures of the most important RS leaders appeared only once: on the occasion of the changes in the RS Army high command.

The activities of the international community in B&H were addressed specifically by 26 reports. In total, however, the role of the international community was mentioned in a positive context on 20 occasions (eg, successful humanitarian works or military engagements), but negatively on 13 occasions (eg, the failures to apprehend war criminals or to form state structures). International representatives were, in any case, frequent guests on the newcasts, appearing 43 times in the period. International news was even more prominently displayed. Out of the total of 219 items aired, 106 related to world events.

Stories relating to the implementation of the Dayton Peace Agreement were at the top of "TV-INFO"'s news budget. But the programme also devoted much time and effort to social themes (refugees, DPs, invalids and children). The newscast puts a premium, too, on the participation of "ordinary" people, most often in the form of surveys.

TVIN's central editorial team produced 59 reports; while 27 were produced by their colleagues from the local member-stations and seven originated with their production unit in Banja Luka. Foreign news items are taken largely from Euronews. There were 126 such outside reports in the period.

Contrary to normal television news practice, "TV-INFO" prefers extensive and leisurely reports, both on the news of the day and in features. These are often over-long and static in nature, with noticeable errors in their realisation. The newscast's domination by such pieces of reportage considerably weakens its overall effect. The formation of the Federation House of Representatives was, for example, announced in only one sentence by the presenter on 18 December, although three different reports dealing with other issues were broadcast from the same location where this inaugural session was held. It can thus be obvious to the viewer that "TV-INFO" is neglecting or slighting some important domestic and international stories. But what is not clear is, why? Is it the concept of the newscast, faulty editorial decisions or technical and staff problems in sourcing reports and acquiring actuality footage?

Young and inadequately experienced journalists seem to be in charge of "TV-INFO". A special problem is that they often appear several times in a single newscast. Their reports are usually neither properly introduced nor signed off. The same thing happens with interviewees. Unless they have some political role, they tend not to be identified. There are also mistakes in the sequencing of items. A piece about Boris Yeltsin, for example, was broadcast in between two news items on Israel.

At the moment TVIN is neither a network nor an individual TV station. It is neither fish nor foul. Higher production values, stronger staff work and better organisation are obviously required if TVIN is to establish a recognisable programme identity for itself. But, above all, it needs a firm editorial concept, whether as an individual newscast ("TV-INFO") or as a would-be network and national asset.

Media News in Brief

According to TV Srpska, a group of Serbian journalists from Doboj has sent a letter to SFOR in which they protest at the unacceptable practice of "Muslim journalists" who photograph Serbian newsmen at press conferences, and later publish articles accusing them of taking part in war crimes. "TV Novosti", 26 December)

The founding session of the Association of Independent Journalists of Republika Srpska (NUN RS) took place on 10 December. Branko Peric, an AIM editor from Banja Luka, was elected president. Membership applications were submitted by 53 RS journalists. (SAFAX)

The RS National Assembly adopted a new law on public information at it's last session in 1996. According to this law, the RS government and not, as previously, the assembly will henceforth appoint directors and editors of state-owned media. Although opposition deputies warned that this change would put the media under the control of a single party (because the government is composed of one party), the law was adopted by a large majority. (SAFAX)

According to Radio Hercegbosna, a new and non-party radio station has been founded in Novi Travnik. Radio Fenix will operate under the wing of the local branch of the Croatian Catholic Humanitarian Society (HKDD). Radio Fenix has, in fact, been broadcasting experimentally for several months, but only recently received its official frequency allocation (104.9 Mhz). The station has a new 100-watt transmitter. Its programmes will be aimed mainly at younger listeners. (Radio Hercegbosna, 23 December)

After a long - and previously reported - interruption, Banja Luka's Nezavisne novine is again being printed on Glas srpski's presses.

The following media were monitored for this week's report: Srpski Radio, Srpska TV, Radio BiH, TV BiH, Hrvatski radio HB, TVIN, TV Srbije, Hrvatska televizija,

(c) Copyright: The Institute for War and Peace Reporting 1996

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