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Medienhilfe Ex-Jugoslawien

Professionelle Solidarität gegen Nationalismus und Chauvinismus
Professional solidarity against nationalism and chauvinism

IWPR & MEDIA PLAN

MONITORING REPORT

22 January 1997: Vol II/ No 7

The B&H Media Fortnight in Review: 6 - 19 January

This bulletin focuses on:

  • Brcko: Media evocations of war
  • Continuing demonstrations in Belgrade TV
  • B&H's slant on Bošnjak-Croat relations
  • Media in the news

A question for Sir Martin Garrod, Head, OHR Regional Office in Mostar

There is no freedom of movement for local journalists from one side of this still-divided city to the other. Reporters complain that they have no access to some important sources of information. Their safety is threatened, even in the Hotel Ero, the building housing the OHR's regional headquarters in west Mostar.

Dear Sir Martin,

What, specifically, will you do to enable journalists in Mostar to do their jobs in safety? Can you, in addition, exert influence upon the city authorities to permit journalists to have access to all important sources of information?

Monitoring Report
Still waiting for Spasoje Albijanic

Communications in the B&H Council of Ministers, has promised to reply in writing - and in time for o According to our Banja Luka correspondent, Spasoje Albijanic, Minister for Civil Affairs and ur next issue - to the question posed in the 8 January number of Monitoring Report: Why do telephonic links between the two entities remain broken and what will you, personally, be doing to eliminate the communications blockade?

Brcko: Warfare deferred

The propaganda war for Brcko, the city on the River Sava whose post-Dayton destiny is meant to be resolved by binding arbitration, has occasionally dampened down, but it has never ceased to smoulder in the media. In the last few weeks, as the mid-February date for the delivery of the arbitration verdict has drawn near, the rhetorical fires blazed up once more, and with them evocations of war. Some media seemed to wax almost nostalgic in their wartime memories. An aggressive propaganda campaign was mounted by politicians and soldiers, all attributing to this small if strategically-sited city a critical and, indeed, an almost millenial significance.
The sittings of the arbitration tribunal in Rome were covered by special correspondents sent by the public broadcast media in B&H. It was a case of reporting "around the event" rather than "about the event", since the arbitration rules prohibited the contending parties from making public statements about the proceedings and their arguments. The rival media compensated for this handicap in the same way: they replaced facts with assurances that right and justice were, without question, "on our side".
Most B&H media treated the Brcko arbitration - and it was the story that eclipsed all others in recent weeks - in a manner which sought to preclude any possibility of compromise, and which identified any thought of a partial solution as treason. Overdosing on patriotism, the media deprived themselves of their ability to think rationally about this overheated and overly politicised issue. It seemed, however, that the main messages were only nominally directed at domestic constituencies. The real addressee was the international community.
As the date of the arbiters' decision approaches, the mood of the B&H media is swinging about - and all responsibility is being shifted unreservedly to the international actors. Whatever chief arbiter Roberts Owen's deferred solution may be, it will provoke a storm. In this context it is notable that the media in B&H hardly mention the fact that, according to the Dayton treaty, the decision of the tribunal will be final, with no right of appeal.

SRT: From threats to relief

Srpska Radio-Television has covered the Brcko story almost obsessively over the past month. It has broadcast the pronouncements of the highest military and civilian officials day in and day out, and on a few occasions has also offered its own commentaries (19 and 29 December). The network broadcast Momcilo Krajisnik's statement to Srpsko Oslobošenje that "Brcko is the common denominator for everything that is Serbian" (7 January). It was no accident that the main celebration of the RS "statehood and patron saint's day" was held in the city on 9 January, nor that the event was broadcast live throughout RS. The message of this gathering was condensed in the words of Biljana Plavšic: "I want to state clearly that Brcko is Serbian and must remain Serbian."
The purpose of such a well-orchestrated campaign was to demonstrate complete national and political unity on this matter. That was confirmed by the declaration of the Serbian Intellectual Forum (10 January) and by the statements of the opposition and non-parliamentary parties (13 January). Srpska TV also carried, on the 13 January edition of "Novosti", a newly ominous warning by President Plavšic: "Whoever is not ready to sacrifice Dayton, must not touch Serbian Brcko." The next day there followed the message of Chief of Staff Pero Colic: "Any solution for Brcko other than keeping it Serbian would lead to war, and we would defend ourselves with all means and to the last man."
All the RS statements emphasised that the city of Brcko was not itself the object of contention. Rather, according to the Serb reading of the Dayton agreement, it is the course of the Inter-Entity Boundary Line to the south of the city which is being arbitrated. SRT's correspondent in Rome reminded the home audience of this in his first despatch: "A conference regarding the widening of the corridor near Brcko started today in Rome" ("Novosti", 8 January). Even if this was more confusing than enlightening to viewers, most of the reports that followed made the predictable claim that the Serb case was not being treated equitably. Arbiter Roberts Owen was criticised for allowing a "Muslim TV crew", against the rules, to have access to the conference room, as well as for hearing the first RS witness only on the sixth day of the tribunal ("Novosti", 13 January). At the same time, SRT attached no importance to the representatives of the Federation, as if RS were not in conflict with them, but rather with the international community. On 15 January "Novosti"'s presenter announced that "Brcko definitely remains an integral part of RS," citing unnamed but "well informed sources in Rome." Over the next few days SRT's newscasts avoided both triumphalism and threats.

RTV B&H: Times Roman

RTV B&H's main newscasts gave plenty of air time to a variety of alarums and excursions surrounding the issue of the day: the fate of Brcko. Party leaders were canvassed and the political runes were read.
An aggressive statement by Ejup Ganic was broadcast by TV B&H's "Dnevnik" on 6 January: "Insofar as the Brcko question is transformed from a legal into a political issue, then that problem will be resolved in a different manner, after the departure of the international forces from Bosnia. Militarily, we are growing stronger and stronger..." The next day "Dnevnik" gave prominence to Alija Izetbegovic's invitation to Sarajevo Serbs now living in Brcko to return home, but this proposal disappeared from the media horizon over succeeding days.
The news broken by Reuters that US Under Secretary of State John Kornblum had "recommended" in a policy paper that Brcko should go to RS was met with disbelief, but also with prompt reactions by Bošnjak politicians and media. On 15 January "Dnevnik" carried Haris Silajdzic's assertion that such a development "would mean the end of the Dayton agreement." The next day the ruling party's spokesman, Ismet Grbo, told "Dnevnik" that "the SDA has the energy and the intelligence to react if a decision is made contrary to justice..." Radio B&H, for its part, broadcast an angry editorial on the afternoon "Dnevnik" of 18 January in which it compared the arbitration in Rome to the proceedings in an ancient Roman arena where slaves were compelled to fight wild beasts. Now, however, "the slaves are the Bošnjaks who, if they are disobedient, can easily be thrown into the toothy jaws of the Serb artillery."
RTV B&H had sent a special correspondent to Rome. Obviously not up to the job, the reporter substituted agit-prop for observation and interpretation. In one despatch he stated categorically that a newly submitted Serb document on Brcko had come, "of course, too late" for consideration, but then proceeded to dissect it (11 January). Some of his reports were filled with pathetic and unnecessary allegories: "So, there is no dilemma here, everything is crystal clear, and in our history books it will be written forever which road the world took at the Brcko tribunal: into the light or into the dark" (12 January). This correspondent also often insisted that the Serbs had no arguments, thereby supporting his own optimistic forecasts.
TV B&H concluded its coverage of the arbitration tribunal with a special programme entitled "Roman days". The repetition of its reporter's despatches from Rome served only to make their weaknesses more obvious.

Croatian Radio Hercegbosna:
Without euphoria

Radio Hercegbosna also showed considerable interest in the arbitration proceedings in Rome. The subject of Brcko was introduced, however, in a somewhat unusual manner on 6 January: with Biljana Plavšic's statement that a "wrong" decision on Brcko would mark the end of Dayton. Over subsequent days Radio Hercegbosna regularly broadcast reports from its correspondent in the Croat municipality of Ravne-Brcko, who was in direct contact with Rome. His interpretation of the tribunal followed the official line of the Croat members of the Federation delegation. The necessity of establishing a protectorate over the city was emphasised, both as the long established Croat demand and as the most just solution. Coverage of the Rome hearings concluded on 15 January with the news that Krešimir Zubak had received the Croat delegation members on their return, and with the statement of one of them, Ravne-Brcko Mayor Mijo Anic, that "a compromise had been reached". According to Anic, "Brcko under a protectorate is for us the only acceptable variant." It was evident that this medium did not, unlike most electronic media in B&H, succumb to the temptation to engage in euphoric agitation on the subject of Brcko.

The view from the neighbourhood

Croatia's HRT offered extensive coverage of the sessions of the arbitration tribunal in its newscasts. "Dnevnik" on 7 January carried Ejup Ganic's statement that "Brcko must belong to the Federation. Bošnjaks and Croats were the majority in Brcko until the war..." Even before the end of the Rome meeting, "Dnevnik" revealed on 14 January that "a ten-year-long international administration under American sponsorship" would be established for Brcko.
HRT hinted at rather than argued for a tripartite partition of the Brcko municipality. As "Dnevnik" noted on 15 January, "It is important that Brcko belongs to the Federation, because that will open up the possibility of a greater return by Croats to Posavina, and there are also some views that it should be divided into three parts."
TV Serbia's continuing lack of interest in B&H was confirmed by the Rome tribunal. TVS did not broadcast a single news item about the proceedings in its prime-time "Dnevnik". It was also silent about the summons from Srpska TV to the leadership in Belgrade to play its proper part - as a signatory and guarantor of the Dayton treaty - in resolving the Brcko issue. Was this reticence an illustration of Belgrade's lack of concern for the "Serbian cause", or an attempt to avoid adding one more explosive problem to the bundle which bear the "fingerprints" of President Miloševic?

TV Serbia: In the bunker

The Yugoslav dinar may escape devaluation for a time, but public confidence in TV Serbia has already collapsed as the network has made itself the regime's first and last line of defence. Popular odium for the state TV's grotesque news offerings has provoked both physical and mental resistance. The deafening noise of pots and pans being beaten that resounds through Belgrade every evening during "Dnevnik" is a novel form of television criticism, but only one in a series of original devices embraced by students and citizens to protest the annulment of the results of last November's local elections. This would-be festival of democracy on the capital's streets is either ignored by TV Serbia or filmed to provide ammunition for the vilification of opposition party leaders.
The most frequent target of attack continues to be Vuk Draškovic. The spectacular celebration of the Serb Orthodox New Year in Belgrade was, for TV Serbia, interesting above all for the appearance of a "conflict" between the students Draškovic. For three days (14-16 January), TV Serbia repeated continuously that Draškovic had called the students "idiots". No one having chosen to bite this proffered apple of discord, TVS resumed its search for incriminating evidence. On the 19 January edition of "Dnevnik" Draškovic was accused of attempting to mount a coup d'etat. This allegation was documented by a sound bite in which Draškovic was heard to say, "We have to form a provisional government as soon as possible. We have to arrest the JUL leadership overnight."
TV Serbia provides extensive coverage of events all over the world. But it consistently omits any reference to the repeated injunctions by the EU, the OSCE and other international bodies for the results of the November elections to be respected. The demonstrations at home, meantime, are portrayed as a part of the great international conspiracy against Serbia. According to "Dnevnik" (9 January), everything is happening according to a scenario entitled "Cerebral Storm", a war plan prepared by the authors of "Desert Storm". The difference this time is that the aim is to provoke civil war inside a single country. According to "Dnevnik" on 10 January, such an inference is supported by the fact that "the pictures from Sofia closely resemble those from Belgrade."
An attack on the rector of Priština University provided another opportunity for TV Serbia to accuse the opposition of anti-Serbianism. "Every day that the demonstrations in Belgrade are prolonged means new victims in Kosovo." This was the message from a protest meeting of Serbs and Montenegrins in Priština to which state TV devoted exceptional coverage on 18 January.
TVS has now also introduced the criterion of political suitability in its reporting of church affairs, especially since the Orthodox synod publicly criticised the regime - although this fact was unreported by state TV. Appearances by Patriarch Pavle and other dignitaries are being either strictly rationed or completely ignored. On the other hand, clerics whose views are at odds with those of the hierarchy merit lavish coverage. On 18 January "Dnevnik" reported that Bishop Irinej of Backa had refused to receive representatives of the student protesters on Christmas Eve. The same newscast cited the statement by Metropolitan Jovan of Ljubljana, Zagreb and Italy to Politika: "Demonstrations are negative, they mean destruction." By the next day "Dnevnik"'s TV crew had arrived to visit Metropolitan Jovan in Trieste.

TV B&H: Belying one's name

In view of ever more frequent complaints by Croat clerics and politicians that TV B&H both fails to reflect Croatian national interests and, in fact, incites hatred of Croats, the B&H Independent Union of Professional Journalists asked Media Plan to carry out a special monitoring assignment. From 1 November through 31 December 1996, monitors tracked TV B&H's most watched newscast, "Dnevnik", with the aim of assessing the impact which its reporting might have on viewers' attitudes towards Croats and their leaders in B&H. The complete report was published in three instalments by Oslobošenje between 18 and 20 January 1997. Here we will cite only the more important findings. TV B&H devotes considerable attention to Bošnjak-Croat relations in general, and to the problems of the Federation in particular, in its main newscast. "Dnevnik" carried 136 relevant items during the period under review: that is, an average of two in every broadcast. Most items appeared in the first half of the programme and often led the newscast. The following themes were identified (with number of appearances):

  • Incidents of conflict or contention (69)
    The roles of Croat leaders in B&H and Federation (33)
    Refugees and DPs (3)
    History and culture (1)
    Religion (8)
    Life in Croat majority areas (2)
    War and the Bošnjak-Croat conflict (7)
    Croatia and the Croats of B&H (3)
    Protocol activities (10)

The predominance of stories about contention or conflict between Croats and Bošnjaks (69) is evident. These reports related especially to the expulsion of Bošnjaks from Mostar and to the obstacles encountered in establishing common institutions in this city, as well as to the pilot projects for the return of refugees to Bugojno (Croats), Stolac (Bošnjaks) and Jajce (Bošnjaks). These reports clearly made it appear that the Croatian side alone bore responsibility for the problems and conflicts in the two nations' bilateral relations.
Thirty-three items dealt with the work of the Federation and the formation of all-B&H institutions. Most of these reports concerned breaking news. It was notable, however, that Croat representatives were rarely to be heard among the politicians and functionaries who appeared to explain questions crucial to the operation of the Federation. On the other hand, the comments of both Croat and Bošnjak leaders were carried by "Dnevnik" following important meetings of federal organs. It appeared that TV B&H editors consider the problems of Mostar and refugees to be the issues critical to the functioning of the Federation, and that they do not want to stir up controversies over other open questions. As the figures show, "Dnevnik" showed far less interest in all other themes.
Almost all reports were based on only one source. In the majority of cases that source was either TV B&H's own reporter (78) or a source close to the Bošnjak side (24). Official international or federal sources were cited much less often (7 and 6 times respectively). News agencies were quoted on 14 occasions, and other sources were used 13 times. Sources close to the Croat side were cited on only six occasions.
TV B&H permits the harshest criticism of the state of affairs in west Mostar - and accusations of culpability against the HDZ and HVO - to be expressed by foreigners: Sir Martin Garrod (OHR), Alexander Ivanko (UN) and Chris Janowski (UNHCR). The journalists play up their remarks, but do not often offer their own commentaries.
The largest number of news items (99) did not carry any sort of authorial stamp. In 33 cases, however, TV B&H journalists offered their own critical - and often a priori - views on developments in Croat-Bošnjak relations, either in the introductions to or in the bodies of their pieces. Their comments were, almost without exception, consonant with the positions of Bošnjak politicians and, in cases of conflict, they attributed sole responsibility to "the Croat side". On the other hand, only four news items could be characterised as explicit rooting for the Bošnjak team.
Monitors observed no instances when TV B&H reporters employed either hateful terminology or otherwise insulted the national feelings and civil rights of Croats. In assessing the basic impressions which news items might be expected to create among viewers, monitors considered that most (68) were negative in tone and content, somewhat fewer (53) were neutral and that only 15 were openly affirmative of Croats or Croat positions. The number of negative items (68) was thus almost identical to the number of thematic reports on situations of conflict (69). This fact tends to reinforce the conclusion that a process of negative selection of information is in operation, and that the dominant impressions with which such reports are likely to leave viewers are of Croat intransigence, selfishness and bloody-mindedness.
Items without a particular national-political colouring (53) comprised for the most part news about the work of federal organs, reports on religious traditions in the run-up to Christmas and assorted protocol events.
Following this two-month long exercise, Media Plan concludes the following about TV B&H's central "Dnevnik":

  1. The programme's editors and reporters do not always respect professional criteria and standards in covering contentious issues in Bošnjak-Croat relations, in dealing with the problems of the Federation and in following other stories affecting Croat national interests. A negative selection of news prevails, with editors preferring to concentrate on instances of conflict rather than on other developments. They rely on a small number of sources and appear to select them according to their political acceptability.
  2. An analysis of "Dnevnik" offers no support to the thesis that TV B&H aims to promote either distrust or hatred of Croats. However, thanks largely to the prevalence of negative selection criteria and the often obvious identification of its journalists with a single political option and nation, TV B&H is failing adequately to represent equally the interests of other nations and to support the restoration of mutual confidence. This impression is reinforced by the fact that all "Dnevnik"'s editors and most of its reporters are Bošnjaks.
  3. On the basis of both the content and direction of its central newscast, it is apparent that Television Bosnia & Hercegovina is not living up to its name.

    A Report by MEDIA PLAN and IWPR; Project Director: Zoran UdoviCic Obala Kulina bana 4/I, 71000 Sarajevo, B&H Tel/Fax 071-667-734/735


    (c) Copyright: The Institute for War and Peace Reporting 1996

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