Back home

Medienhilfe Ex-Jugoslawien

Professionelle Solidarität gegen Nationalismus und Chauvinismus
Professional solidarity against nationalism and chauvinism

1999 IHF-HR COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS

International Helsinki Federation Human Right Reports
- extracts on Media situation

Croatia

Parliamentary Elections

On 3 January 2000, some 3.85 million Croatian went to the polls to elect a new parliament. The main Croatian opposition coalition won in nine out of ten districts. The Social Democratic ­ Social Liberal coalition won 71 seats, while an allied coalition of four smaller centrist parties received 24 seats. The HDZ, which had governed Croatia since 1990, won only 40 seats. International monitors reported no serious irregularities.

Role of the Media

Since past elections in Tudjman’s Croatia were generally considered «free but not fair,» the Croatian Helsinki Committee (CHC) established «Voice 99,» a coalition of 140 human rights NGOs to monitor elections, and particularly media activity and elections. The first phase of the project was carried out during the time when the exact date of the forthcoming elections was not known (4-14 October 1999). Not only media coverage of political parties and representatives of the government, but for the first time, media coverage of NGOs’ activities to promote civil society and their access to the media were analyzed.

The research concluded that the Tudjman-led HDZ and its government representatives had dominated coverage in the print media and in broadcast media. The analysis showed that the Croatian TV was still highly dependent on the ruling party, and that the media had little interest in NGOs except for the Catholic Church.

The initial research identified a new strategy introduced by the ruling party in an attempt to keep control over the most influential media, i.e. television. As a response to the close scrutiny and supervision by domestic and international monitors, the Editor-in-Chief of the Croatian television and HDZ party member, Obrad Kosovac, suddenly extended TV broadcasting hours to encompass a 24-hour broadcasting program on all three TV channels. That was surprising move considering the supposed chronic «lack of money» that as often used as a pretext in order not to fund the preparation of better programs. Most airtime was taken up with cheap entertainment programs, while it became clear that the changes enabled the ruling party to further promote its political interests.

The government-controlled television used the occasion of the death of President Tudjman to arouse nationalistic sentiments and gain potential voters for the increasingly unpopular HDZ. Tudjman’s long hospitalization after which his death was declared on 11 December to the nation, was instrumentalized by the HTV to the benefit of the HDZ, involving three days of national mourning and broadcasting Tudjman’s funeral live as the biggest media spectacle of the year.

On 14 December, only a day after Tudjman’s funeral, the election campaign began. It lasted until the election day on 3 January 2000. The CHC extended the monitoring of the media coverage showing that the ruling HDZ predominated in coverage by all three media (television, radio and print media).

During the period monitored, the majority of advertisements broadcast by Croatian television concerned a movie directed by Jakov Sedlar called «Four Rows.» The film dealt with the suffering of Croat patriots in Bleiburg in 1945, an event for which the ruling HDZ had accused Tito’s partisans and communists, passing on the blame to the current Social Democratic Party (former communist), the strongest opposition party in Croatia.

The research indicated that the ruling party used its influence over Croatian TV to promote its values and understanding of history to the voters on all TV channels during the sensitive period just before the elections. Other examples of controversial programming included a documentary serial titled, «Croatia in the 20th Century,» which included testimony by former political prisoners in which they accused the former communist regime. Meanwhile, the public criticism towards the Croatian TV following the broadcast of the film «Four Rows» forced the HTV to give up on broadcasting a sequel to the film during the election campaign.

The government-controlled media (dailies such as Vecernji list and Vjesnik, and especially HTV) led a series of attacks against NGOs involved in the election monitoring project. Croatian TV accused the CHC and VOICE’99 of the illegal use of financial support received from abroad for political purposes. The report aimed at stigmatizing the CHC as mercenary organization working against the interests of the Croatian state.

The CHC filed a constitutional complaint against Croatian TV not only for the above-mentioned report but also for banning the broadcast of two video clips by VOICE’99 because they would allegedly influence voters unfairly. The CHC argued that there was no law providing for NGOs and civil society associations to be prevented from expressing their political opinion freely (on public television), regardless of the political content of the opinion or possible impact it could have on voting results. The Constitutional Court accepted the CHC’s argument.

Freedom of the Media

The CHC’s continued monitoring of media freedom revealed that pressure against the independent media increased in this pre-electoral year. All public criticism against the ruling party and President Tudjman was systematically proscribed by the highest state authorities. All available means were used to control the independent media. Court proceedings against journalists and publishers increased up to one thousand (CHC Media department collected a record of 1,047 cases); exorbitant compensation claims for having caused «emotional anguish»; covert surveillance of journalists, with details held in police files; political and economic pressures; and in some cases, physical attacks on journalists.

Noting the HDZ’s record regarding media in recent years, the CHC considered the moves an indication that the ruling party wanted to take absolute control over media activity in Croatia, fearing a loss of support in forthcoming elections.

Intimidation

Until 1999, the authoritarian regime of Franjo Tudjman held one advantage over the previous regime: it did not resort to the imprisonment of political opponents. During a plenary session in late June, however, Tudjman announced a broad campaign against «internal enemies». These included NGOs, including the Croatian Helsinki Committee (accused of being «Soros mercenaries» and U.S. spies); opposition and trade union leaders; and journalists. The government embarked upon a repressive campaign to arrest dissenting voices.

§ The interrogation and mistreatment of Ivo Pukanic, chief editor of the weekly magazine Nacional, marked a clear shift in the nature of repression by the Tudjman regime. Pukanic’s arrest coincided with a HDZ plenary session, and was believed to relate to his magazine obtaining secret service documents reveal the repressive nature of the Croatian regime. The CHC claimed that the in the democratic setting, secret service should be the first to be called to account when classified documents were released, and not the media outlets that had published the information.

The CHC on several occasions warned that the incompetence and slowness of police investigations into the violence against dissenting journalists and political opponents was encouraging further violence. The assailants who had severely beaten the chief editor of the daily Karlovacki list, Nenad Hlaca, at the end of 1997, had still not been apprehended by the end of 1999. The same was the case with the attackers who bombed the daily weekly Imperial editorial office in Zagreb in 1998.

Numerous new cases of violence against journalists were reported, including, as a rule, verbal or physical assault, or attempted murder.

  • Robert Frank, a journalist working for Novi List (Rijeka) was kidnapped and physically ill-treated. The writer’s hand was ­ apparently symbolically - repeatedly hit with a stone and injured. Frank was hospitalized for a couple of months and had to undergo several operations. The case was not solved as of this writing. It was deemed politically motivated because Novi List was a known of HDZ policy in Bosnia and Herzegowina.
  • The former boss of the intelligence service threatened journalist Zeljko Peratovic of the weekly Globus with a pistol.
  • Journalist Zeljko Peratovic was physical assaulted by a member of the so-called Mercep Unit, Munib Suljic. The attacker was charged with misdemeanour and fined.
  • A member of the Mercep Uunit threated the former Editor-in-Chief of Globus, Djurdjica Klancir, that he will "saw her through with a saw." No judicicail proceedings were initiated.
  • An assassination attempt ws carried out against Globus journalist Antun Masle, presumably in connection to his articles on crime. The journalist suffered a a bullet wound in his arm; the perpetrator was not found.

Libel Charges

Libel charges for damages required in criminal proceedings for alleged insult, slander or libel by journalist was another form of pressure against journalists of independent weeklies. This sophisticated form of pressure was used particularly by private plaintiffs in high-raking offices of the ruling party, mainly represented by the same lawyer. Prosecutors would take a number of sentences out of an article and context and use them as evidence to prove that a criminal offence had been perpetrated or that the defendant had suffered damages.

on MHxJU

News & Updates

Partners & Projects

Media- Monitoring

Mailinglist

suchen / search

go to top

P.O. Box, CH-8031 Zürich, Switzerland
Phone +41-1-272 46 37,  Fax +41-1-272 46 82, email: info@MEDIENHILFE.ch