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KOHA SUMMARY: No. 145, 16 April 1997
MACEDONIA
THE GAME OF THE BIG BOYS
by ISO RUSI / Shkup
Last weekend, daily "Vecer" published an article
titled "A Political or Police Newspaper", asking itself
and its readers who owns the (relatively) new and only private
newspaper, "Dnevnik". The reason for it's publication
is not even concealed: "In the past couple of days, the
editors of the Dnevnik daily refer to themselves as to historical
heroes of journalism. They probably have arguments for this: The
newspaper started being published one year ago, it comes out
every day, at a very high circulation and at a very low price. At
first sight, "Nova Makedonija", that publishes
"Vecer", seems not to be able to bare the competition.
Dnevnik is being sold at two prices: 5 denars (0,20 DEM) if sold
by call-porters and 10 denars when sold at press booths, which
has increased its circulation to 60 thousand copies, consequently
drastically reduced the circulation of Vecer. An ordinary citizen
will find it hard to understand how can this newspaper survive,
knowing that the printing of one issue costs 3,5 denars and that
90% of the circulation is sold by call- porters. The plain logic
explains that the only thing achieved is actually a loss in
substance. Unless this is the so called "pyramidal
press" - meaning that its publication will continue as long
as there is fresh cash. However, Vecer's article also puts a
series of open questions. First of all, the initiative for the
publication of this newspaper: "...it is known that the idea
for the establishment of the journal, the composition of its
editorial board and ist financial construction was elaborated and
defined by the cabinet of the then Minister of Interior, Ljubomir
Frckovski. And this is something that no one, even Frckovski,
denies." On the occasion when this journal started its
publication, "Nova Makedonija" stressed this same fact,
even publishing the proof that one of the owners and the editor
in chief of the new newspaper, had been beaten by the police (in
the events in Re‡ic‰ e Vog‰l, when his jaw was
broken) and who was then reportedly a human rights activist (who
insisted that his case wouldn't be revealed to the public). He
was allegedly rewarded by Frckovski by first accompanying him to
the World Conference on Crime in Cairo, and later with the
employment of his wife in the MIA. Thus, Vecer, asks a direct
question: "Is Dnevnik a result of Frckovski's evaluations,
personal will and spite as minister of interior and the
determined political group around him, or is this a reward for
his professional services in the past". Further on, it is
said that Frckovski is also the "selector of the editorial
board" (two of the owners, the editor in chief andone of the
editors used to work in the Macedonian version of
"Komunist", and later worked in "Nova
Makedonija" and "Vecer"). And again, linked to the
finances: the political bazaar qualifies Frckovski and the then
minister of Finances, Jane Milovski as the main architects that
enabled the foundation of "Dnevnik" - by allowing it to
use budget money. And again, a rumor stating that Frckovski and
Milovski split just because of the money. In fact, the matter is
that they suggested the cuts in the subsidies meant for Vecer and
increased the ones for Dnevnik. The most serious attack is by all
means linking "Dnevnik" with the unclarified attempt
against President Gligorov's life: "It was the period in
which minister Frckovski had been harshly criticized by the
media, when he resigned and his resignation was not approved,
when the majority of his opponents and enemies thought that this
was the end of his career. Since the moral responsibility for the
biggest crime in the country relied on him, making intelligent
moves was something that would be expected from an intelligent,
explosive and impulsive politician. So, he invented a newspaper
that would defend him. And, as soon as the newspaper started
being published, one of the first articles published referred to
the health of the President, that surprisingly survived and
what's more, resumed his functions. For a long time, this
newspaper claimed the incapability of the President for office
and implied that he should retire. Stressing an unidentified
opinion, "Vecer" further speculates that
"Dnevnik" is an informal organ of a group within the
SDLM and that government that does not share Crvenkovski's
opinions. The third supposition is that "Dnevnik" is a
filial of some parts of the MIA, so the opposition parties and
their leaders are secretly denounced. Another ascertainment is
hidden behind the suppositions on who is financing the magazine
(Soros, international organizations or a local organization under
the strong influence of Frckovski's ministry of foreign affairs):
"Whatever the case, `Dnevnik' is neither a "dead
infant" nor a "deflated balloon" or a "dead
party" (as Frckovski referred to some events). In the public
and secret propaganda which makes it impossible to preserve the
power, `Dnevnik' replied in it's Monday issue, in an editorial
signed by Editor in Chief, Branko Gerovski. Starting from the
fact that the author of Vecer's article is anonymous and that in
those cases whatever is said represents the viewpoint of the
author, Gerovski addresses his message to Stojan Nasev, Editor in
Chief of Vecer, Pande Kolemisovski (director of Nova Makedonija)
and Branko Crvenkovski (since one third of the shares of Nova
Makedonija belong to the state). He first accuses them that they
are trying "to impose the spectacular theory on the attempt
against Gligorov and the alleged responsibility of Frckovski,
Milovski, Guner Ismail, Saso Ordanovski and the editors of
"Dnevnik". The Editor in Chief asks the premier a
public question: "Are your real intentions to discharge
Frckovski and Milovski and then start the investigations?"
The same day, the government reacted with a communique against
"some articles published in the press that in an unnecessary
way implicate several ministers, the premier and the government.
The government reiterates that it absolutely rejects all
speculations and constructions, fully respecting the editorial
politics of each newspaper". The reaction of the government
only corroborated what has been discussed in the public since
long ago. The people have it all clear - "wherever there is
smoke - there is fire". After listening to the
prime-minister's promise that he wouldn't spare anyone implicated
in the TAT affair (a pyramidal scheme worth 112 million DEM),
thus announcing the reconstruction of the government and the
eventual anticipated elections, the public started rumouring on
the departure not only of the implicated but also the other
ministers. This list includes all those that are said to be
related to `Dnevnik'. An indicative coincidence is the discharge
of the assistant interior minister, as well as the head of the
"bugging" department of the police, for their alleged
participation in many financial affairs and fraud. However, it is
very hard to say that these people have been discharged,
especially knowing that they were immediately taken over by
Frckovski's ministry of foreign affairs, the very same day they
stopped working for MIA! "Vecer's" attack,
"Dnevnik's" counterattack and the "TAT
affair", which has not been clarified yet, can only be
considered as the first clashes of "the struggle for
power" among three fractions inside the SDLM. The announced
reconstruction of the government (that should replace five
ministers) and which had to take place before Crvenkovski's visit
to Bonn and his meeting with Kohl, has been postponed for at
least one week. At the same time, Frckovski has intensive
activities receiving high officials and visiting Brussels and
Paris. The premier is obliged by his promise given to the
Parliament and Frckovski is not the type of many who will give up
so easily.
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