THE BIRTHDAY OF KOSOVA‘S STATEHOOD

By Blerim SHALA

On July 2, 1990 the Kosova Parliament adopted the Constitutional Declaration which defined Kosova as a republic, equal to all other member republics of former-Yugoslavia.

Kosova got on the road to statehood on July 2, 1990 with many political parties, created within months, starting December 1989, with individuals of good will, with the media which sounded the many years‘ deprived voice and pride of this statehood, with half-governmental institutions, which failed to grasp the pace of the pluralistic transformation, with, at that time, big dilemma regarding the independence that was to be achieved through democracy or democracy that was to be achieved through independence, with a police force that was constantly knocked down by the Serbian regime, and permanently ignored by then Albanian political factors, short of a Territorial Defense (which, since 1981, that is from the famous student demonstrations, found itself under the control of Belgrade), in other words without a military force.

So, the statehood of Kosova, stretched out and delineated in the Constitutional Declaration, had a significance of a Birth Certificate. There was not a single person who could have taken a decision to protect this statehood, for political factors were valuing that everything had been concluded with the proclamation of the Republic, and there were no real defense forces that one could have put under the banner of Kosova‘s statehood. That is why the Serbian regime, only three days later, on June 5, hit on this three-day statehood by forcefully banning the Kosova Parliament, the major media in the Albanian, the Kosova police forces, by forcefully reestablishing Kosova under the Serbian statehood through Serbian police and military forces, and through a typical colonialist administration which was to last until this June.

Albanian political factors, lead by the Democratic League of Kosova and dr. Ibrahim Rugova, excluding the September 1991 Referendum, which sealed the decision of the Kosova Parliament, failed to strengthen the statehood of Kosova during 1990-1997. There were, indeed, presidential and parliamentarian elections in Kosova in 1992, and we also know about parallel systems organized in education, partially in health case and elsewhere, but all that was nothing more than just a simulation of Kosova’s statehood, through an alleged president, alleged government and alleged parliament, linked to single-mindedness only as a sign of resistance, of a refusal to recognize Serbia‘s statehood in Kosova. Actually, these paper-like structures collapsed like a sand castle with the eruption of war in Kosova, in March 1998, for it was entirely clear that their "political use" had expired, and that Kosova‘s statehood, that had stopped in summer 1990 after making the first step toward becoming official, in new regional and interna

If we recall again the period since 1990 (that is since July 2) and on, we can see that so far Kosova‘s statehood went through the stage of its judicial legitimization, through the decision of the Kosova parliament and September 1991 Referendum, through stage of its military legitimization, and through the military resistance during 1997-1999. Now we are in an opening part of the stage that will require the legitimization of Kosova‘s statehood through genuine democratic institutions, through legitimizing the will of the Kosova citizens expressed in genuine democratic elections. Only then can we talk about Kosova‘s veritable statehood.

INTERVIEW: SERGIO VIEIRA DE MELLO, THE NEWLY APPOINTED REPRESENTATIVE OF THE UN SECRETARY GENERAL

JOINTLY, FOR DEMOCRACY IN KOSOVA

By Blerim SHALA

ZERI: When the UN Secretary General, Koffi Annan decided to send you to Kosova, what did you expect you would see and what did you, actually, see?

DE MELLO: I think that theoretically I was quite aware of what was going on in Kosova, first of all due to the stories of the Albanians who were expelled, and who were arriving to neighboring countries, Macedonia and Albania. Our visit and our stay in Kosova was, in many aspects limited, since we could not move freely through Kosova. Nevertheless, during the three day stay here us 15 got to see many parts of Kosova and to talk to people who had remained there, and find out what was really going on Kosova. I can tell you that what we saw surpassed our expectations, in other words there were worse things going on than we had expected. I would like to tell you that I had no antipathy for national communities which comprised former-Yugoslavia. However, I felt kind of bad that Serbs had done such things in Kosova.

ZERI: It appears that your report on Kosova was a positive turn for a consensus among the UN Security Council member nations as far as defining the situation in Kosova. We know that after this report, the Russian ambassador to the UN, Mr Lavrov, came out straightforwardly with the position that the Serbian side is responsible for horrors that were taking place in Kosova. How did you succeed to convince the UN member nations about the truth in Kosova?

DE MELLO: First of all, when Mr Lavrov made his comment before the media, he did that after a conversation he had with me, and after hearing my oral report. I did this a week before the report was presented in a written form. Going back to your question, I think I have to say that the OUN in New York, highly respects Mr Koffi Annan. UN Security Council member nations have known that Mr. Annan was going to send me and a team of senior UN officials to Kosova. We set on this mission led by the principles of Hamarskoeld (Dag Hamarskoeld was UN Secretary General). These principles are about independence, fairness, and truth above all. The leading principle was that of morality. In other words, not a single UN member country could have ignored my report. I should add here that while I was orally giving the report before the UN Security Council member nations, Mr. Annan was there with me, so he could support me and my report. He stayed there all the way, that is during my presentation, as well as during the debate of this report. Mr. Annan was also the one who decided to distribute my report as an official report of the UN Security Council.

ZERI: Shortly after your report, the situation in Kosova fundamentally changed. Were you - given your positions and your experience in Kosova ­ personally surprised with such a dramatic change...

DE MELLO: To tell you the truth, yes, I was very surprised. Leaving Belgrade I had never thought that two weeks later, yes two weeks later, K-For would enter Kosovo and me personally with K-For.

ZERI: It is known that UN has suffered seriously in the case of Bosnia-Herzegovina, in other words the UN failed to stop the war there. Now in Kosova, it seems that UN is trying to revive as superior international organization which can take the responsibility of resolving some of the big problems of the UN in Kosova?

DE MELLO: UN has played a minor role in former-Yugoslavia. We should not forget here the role of the UNPREDEP in Macedonia (the UN military mission, deployed in Macedonia in January 1993 ­ our remark), but still the UN was not, as they say, a "front line player". The turn with ignoring the UN, as you know, took place in March-April 1994, when some member nations of the UN Security Council created the so-called Contact Group. Now, this very same nations have empowered the UN with an extremely big and important role of administering this entire civilian structure. This, indeed, now offers a big chance for the UN, and this was a big responsibility for the UN Secretariat that could produce results only when the UN Security Council empowers it with a clear mandate. In this case, a good coordination may be reached between the UN Secretary General, the Secretariat and UN Security Council member countries. Here, I think, I need to add that the Kosovar side has a big responsibility for the developments in regard to t

ZERI: Yes, it is true. Our question has to do with the coordination between the efforts of the K-For, UNMIK and Kosovar Albanian political factors toward ultimately stabilizing the situation in Kosova. So, according to you, when can we have security and normality restored in Kosova?

DE MELLO: It is difficult to say when this situation will be restored. What I can say is that after the full deployment of the K-For mission, after the deployment of international police forces, that would number 3,000 persons, and particularly after establishing Kosovo‘s police we could create conditions when we could say that we have satisfying security and stability. So, in that case, we would have three separate kinds of security forces, but for me the third force is indeed very important in order to have the security and the normality that you were asking me about. But, now I am also very concerned about the problem of borders. I think that the control of borders here is an extremely important factor. The question of the security of borders is of a great importance. Of course, it is impossible to entirely control a border such as that with Albania, as it was impossible to entirely put under observance the border of Brazil linked to the Amazon river. Nevertheless, it seems to me that we have to increase the control on the border zone between Kosova and Albania.

ZERI: One of your ideas as far as the cooperation between Kosovar political factors and UNMIK is linked to the creation of Kosova‘s Transitional Council. Can you explain to our readers what this is about, and when do you expect that?

DE MELLO: I believe that we now need such a body, such an organism. The mechanism we have now are not too strong, they are somehow frangible. Currently, those mechanisms greatly depend on the good will of the individuals, of the participants in the process. So we need a framework, a clear framework. Currently I don‘t see another variant that could make the Kosovo people understand that we here are not a colonial administration. We are here to assist you realize the aspirations that were clearly delineated in the UN Security Council Resolution # 1244. In other words, the balance between the participation of the representatives of the Kosova people, on the one hand, and the execution of the authority of the UN bodies in Kosovo, on the other, can be achieved with the creation of a body like the Kosova Transitional Council. According to me, the Kosova Transitional Council should be the highest political body were we could try to reach a consensus on all important questions, then in the process of decision-making which, after being implemented, should bring the well-being for all Kosovo citizens. Of course, there can be no unanimity in all possible questions. You can find such unanimity only in totalitarian states.

ZERI: As it has been known, the prominent French politician and humanist, Bernard Kouchner was appointed as the special UN representative for Kosova by the UN Secretary General, Koffi Annan. What would you suggest him when he takes this post? What are according to you main problems that Mr. Kouchner will face in Kosova?

DE MELLO: Our aim is to get together in one place all those who can contribute, in their capacity, to establish the UN civilian administration. Here we should also bear in mind the danger from parallel structures. We should avoid the threat of our structures damaged by shadow structures. Talking about the UN structure this should not be allowed. And, this is a big challenge for all of us. We are now trying to find a solution for this problem through the idea of Kosova‘s Transitional Council, then by joint commissions in many matter, and we should go down to the communal level where we should, perhaps, co-opt competent and influential people. But, here I have to add that decisions will be taken by the UN transitional administration, on the communal level, as well, of course taking into consideration the assessments and positions of the communal authorities. According to me, the second important question, and this is linked to the first, has to do with exercising the authority of the UN interim administration in Kosova‘¹s public sector. This is also a big challenge and I hope that we will find an answer to questions that are linked to the functioning of the public sector in Kosova. I have discussed these questions with all important diplomats who visited Prishtina, for we ought to have a serious financial support in order to make this sector function in Kosova. On Sunday (July 4) the evening, I have talked to Finish president, Mr. Marti Ahtisari, who now chairs the European Community. The third problem, and I will stop here, is the problem of the security in a broad sense. So, first of all, we have the physical security of the citizens and various groups who live in Kosova, but also security in the wider sense, which has to do with resolving the problems which may escalate. For example such a problem is one which you know about, which is linked to the media in Kosovo. We entirely understand the legitimate demands of the Albanians who were expelled from their media and were subject to maltreatment for years. But, here we have a problem with justice in regard to Albanian journalists without expelling Serbian journalists from the media, from which Albanians were expelled since the end of 80ies. I know that Albanian journalists are losing their patience, that they are angered, but nevertheless their return should be carried without having new problems resurface. So, I believe, that these are three major problems which Mr. Bernard Kouchner is going to encounter when he comes to Kosova.

THE HARBOR OF THE NEW BALKANS

By Shkelzen MALIQI

The withdrawal of Serbian forces and, at the same time, the quick deployment of international peace-keeping forces, did not bring only the end to the NATO strikes and the end of military operations in Kosovo. The consequences of the turn that has taken place are much bigger.

In fact we can talk about the kaleidoscope like geo-strategic, where the movement of one element of the mosaic causes the creation of a totally new configuration of relations in the region. This means that Balkans we have known before the NATO intervention in Kosovo is something quite different from the Balkans that has been created after this intervention. We can say that Kosova is the harbor of the new Balkans.

A historical period of struggles of the Balkans people to revive and stabilize had come to an end, in order to give way to another strive that will, perhaps, not bring as much misfortune to these peoples as during the 20th Century. The extremely dirty war and the exodus of Biblical proportions of the people from Kosova, has arked a bitter recapitulation, the incredible quickening of the century of misfortunes, but also the quick shift that put an end to a seemingly endless nightmare.

The fleeing of Serbs and the arrival of Westerners does not only relate to the Albanians and to Kosova. The intervention was also not the only response toward the big humanitarian crisis, a civilizing obligation to prevent forceful ethnic cleansing and engineering. The intervention has also to do with Europe becoming self aware and self delineated that Kosova and Balkans are ist inseparable part, and that it has to take the responsibility of re-civilizing the region, in the sense of its overall development and the integration of this region in all its vital structures.

The major slogan of political and national movements at the beginning of this century was "Balkans to the people of Balkans". This was a response to the colonizing aspirations of the European powers. But, the Balkans people, in spite of this slogan, did not have, unfortunately, a strength of self-constituting and self-regulating the relations that were quite disrupted, with the blend of many national, religious, territorial, economic and other interests.

They need a permanent intervention of big powers, which at that time were European powers, or the presence of their another delegated forces.

In the first part of the century, with the creation of former-Yugoslavia under the Serbian hegemony, this delegated power was in Belgrade. So, Belgrade was chosen to play the role of region‘s geo-strategic center, to be a controller of the knot of many national and state aspirations.

Now Belgrade is definitely losing this mandate and the international community or more exactly the decision making center of the global security, arre seeking new variants of th regional security system. The constructive principle of the new architecture of the regional security, initially under the NATO tutorship, should be the balance of forces and potentials with structures of cooperation rather then domination. A Marshal Plan for Balkans is anticipated to enable the quick development of the region, the creation of the infrastructure of cooperation and inter-links, first of all the common market. Also the quickening of the integration process of Balkans countries into the European Union, is a quick way of changing the mode of disputes and conflicts into a mode of searching ways for overcoming disputes and conflicts and of cooperation and co-responsibility in creating a common future.

INTERVIEW: Hashim THACI, prime minister of the Kosova Provisional Government

KOSOVA IS IN THE MOST CRUCIAL STAGE OF ITS LIBERATION

By Bardh HAMZAJ

ZERI: After the withdrawal of the Serbian forces NATO deployed its troops in Kosova. Is Kosova liberated?

THACI: Kosova is in the most crucial stage of its liberation. Kosova has not been entirely liberated. Nevertheless, we should look at today‘s liberation from Serbian military-police forces as a new stage in our struggle for the ultimate liberation of Kosova. Today we need to democratize this freedom and liberty we have by building democratic institutions, by returning all the deportees to Kosova, by carrying out the registration of the population and by creating for free democratic and pluralistic elections in Kosova be held as soon as possible. Whereas the ultimate liberation of Kosova will certainly be discussed in a special conference, after three or five years which, of course, will be organized by the international community. I believe that the people of Kosova will then be recognized the right to freely express its will at a referendum. I am convinced that everything will, first of all, depend from us, from the way we will organize during this interim period.

ZERI: Under the UN Security Council Resolution # 1244, in the coming period Kosova will be a protectorate under the administration appointed by the UN. What will the role of the Kosova Provisional Government be in this period?

THACI: Kosova‘s Provisional Government is cooperating closely with the K-For as well as with the UNMIK. We are working toward restoring the mutual confidence among Kosova‘s citizens. We are trying to build bridges of joint life, tolerance and understanding in Kosovar society. We are cooperating with Serbs, Montenegrins, with Muslims and with others, too. The international civilian administration that will be established in Kosova will be one to have the final word. Kosova‘s provisional government will be a very respected body by the international community, and will be an executive body in the civilian administration in Kosova.

ZERI: It is planed for NATO to be the only armed force during the transition in Kosova. On the behalf of the KLA you have signed with general Jackson an agreement on demilitarization. What will this mean for the future of the KLA?

THACI: The transformation implies reforming all KLA‘s political structures, starting from the Political Directorate which, I believe, will now act in harmony with the newly created situation and reality in Kosova. This also implies the creation of new mechanisms in accordance with circumstances and the objectives of the Kosovar people for a new democratic pluralism in Kosova. The process of KLA‘s demilitarization and transformation is a process that is going in the right direction. At the same time, we will respect all 25 points of the agreement signed with Mr. Jackson, among them taking the responsibility on our part for the creation of the police force, on our part, and also preserving the Kosova army, which means forming the U.S. styled police force in Kosova, for which we have the support of the international community.

ZERI: Currently in Kosova, beside the government headed by you, there is a government headed by Bujar Bukoshi. What does this situation imply for Kosova and how can it be solved.

THACI: The Kosova Provisional Government has derived from the agreement reached in Rambuillet between the KLA, LBD and DLK, as well as by independent personalities as Surroi and Shala. We have agreed that during this transitional period, until the new elections, an executive body should be created as Kosova’s Provisional Government, which would take the responsibilities for the realization of our aspirations during this period. But, we are concerned by this path of boycott that DLK has taken set one, or better said by a path chosen by a group of usurpators in the DLK, who prevent others of joining this government. The path of boycott ended in Albania, and I believe it will end in Kosovo, as well. As far as Bukoshi‘s government, it has no legitimacy, except funds collected by the people, funds which today are misused by certain individuals for certain purposes. I believe that an internationally recognized Kosovo Council will be created soon. This Council would take overall competencies for establishing a system in all segments of Kosovar life and society.

ZERI: There has been a lot of talks recently for the necessity of a meeting between Thaci and Rugova. If we cannot see the meeting with the U.S. Secretary of State, with the presence of Qosja, in this light, why then this meeting is not realized?

THACI: I have constantly invited Mr. Rugova to meet. I have made this invitation in Tirana, in Macedonia, in Paris and in London. In Germany he was forced to meet since he was invited by Mrs. Albright. There we again reached an agreement to work together. Rugova required some time so he could appoint his members to the Kosova Provisional Government. Still, the boycott continues.

ZERI: Beside those who have bloody hands, we are seeing the withdrawal of the Serbian population together with the police and soldiers. You have invited Serbs and Montenegrins to stay here. You have also signed a declaration with Serb representatives of Kosova for mutual tolerance and understanding. How do you see the political and social incorporation of local Serbs and Montenegrins in the new Kosovo?

THACI: We are concerned with the departure of Serbs and Montenegrins from Kosova. We are also concerned with many events that have occurred in Kosova. The departure of Serbs and Montenegrins from Kosova is concerning particularly due to the fact that Milosevic is trying to prove that Albanians are expelling them from Kosova. Nevertheless, I think that Serbs have understood that they are victims of Milosevic‘s regime. They should also understand that Albanians cannot build a democratic society without others. Albanians themselves need Kosova that will belong to all those who live here. It would be an honor for Kosova if those people returned to Kosova, so they could contribute in the reconstruction of Kosova, in building a multi-ethnic society in Kosova, in building a modern civil society which would be acceptable to all.

ZERI: Is it possible that incidents against Serbs and their departure from Kosova are being made with the intention to avert the awareness of the international opinion from all those crimes, massacres and destruction committed by the Serbian regime in Kosova?

THACI: There can be no parallels between what the Serbian regime has done in Kosova and some individual cases that have happened against the Serbs in Kosova, whose authors are certain gangs of the FARK. We cannot tolerate and we will not tolerate no one to play with the honor and the clearness Kosova Liberation Army’s political line. Today, after the end of the war, when we achieved to make the entire democratic world turn in support of our struggle for freedom and democracy, we will not allow any individual, any criminal, any group, to play with the signs of the KLA, take apartments, break into apartments, loot, to rob or to kill. These are not acts done by the KLA.

WHERE IS HALIL MATOSHI?

By Behxhet HALITI

Halil Matoshi, the news desk editor in our weekly, was taken forcefully from his home at 9:30, in Hajvali, on May 21, when 5 police officers went inside, while some 50-60 others surrounded the house. Since that day Matoshi family has no information about Halil. They only know that he was in the Lipjan prison until June 10. There is not a single trace of him after that. Halil’s brothers, particularly Ismet and Fadil, as well as his wife Ilirjana, knock in vain on doors of humanitarian organizations, especially the International Red Cross. Sometimes they are told he is in Sremska Mitrovica, sometimes in Pozarevac, sometimes in Nis and sometimes in Prokuplje. The efforts of the staff of the "Zeri" to find out anything about its employee, were in vain. "They (Serbs) are leaving, but they are going to take us with them, too", Halil Matoshi was repeating his bad token during all those days of war in Kosovo.

"That day I woke up very early and was doing something in the garden when around 9:30 in the morning I heard police forcefully getting into our yard. They did not come from the street, but from the garden side. There were around 50-60 Serbian police officers who surrounded our house. Around 5 of them got into the house and took Halil outside. They searched him, and had him turn toward the wall with his hands up high. The old man (Halil‘s father, Hazir), Halil, Ilirjana (his wife) and two children (Artian 6 and Armat 2,5) were in the house. The police officers were demanding weapons from Halil. "They were saying that neighbors had said that he had weapons and that he should surrender those arms. They broke the door in Ismet‘s room. They checked everywhere, but failed to find any weapons", begins her story Halil‘s mother, Sabile. Ilirjana says that police officers were asking Halil on the staircase whether he had participated in protests, whether he had asked for NATO, they were nervously saying: "Now you see wh

Mother Sabile constantly repeats: "I pray to god he is alive!". Ismet and Fadil, two of Halil¹s four brothers, have knocked on all possible doors so they get some information about their brother. But, they have never had any answer about Halil‘s whereabouts.

Ismet has recently filled a form in the International Red Cross in Prishtina saying that he is personally searching for his brother.

And, the back and forth from the lawyers was also in vain. "The girl, has her birthday now in July, and wants Halil to return for her birthday. She understands more, while his son Armat, 2,5 very often takes the phone and says that he is calling his father who was taken by the police", says Ilirjana.

INTERVIEW: Bardhyl MAHMUTI, chairman of the United Democratic Party

THE RECONSTRUCTION OF THE FREE KOSOVA SHOULD START FROM PREKAZ IN DRENICA

By Agim ZOGAJ

The United Democratic Party, as a descendant of the Kosova National Movement, was created these says in Prishtina. Bardhyl MAHMUTI, one of the up to this date leaders of KLA‘s political wing, was chosen to be its chairman.

ZERI: What were the reasons for the transformation of the LPK into a new party?

MAHMUTI: With the foundation of the United Democratic Party, we as an organization aim to contribute in all that currently characterizes the engagement of the Albanian society for the democratization of life, and for the creation of the civil society. After all what happened in Kosova it is impossible to think that connecting bridges with whatever Serbian regime can be created in a relatively long period. Currently it is difficult to consider how Balkans will be regulated, but we should say clearly that one of our priorities is Kosova‘s secession once and for all from Serbia. We as a party, of course, as far as today bear in mind the reconstruction of Kosova, therefore we have not accidentally come with our programmatic demand that the reconstruction of Kosova should begin exactly in Prekaz of Drenica, which saw the beginning of our big struggle for freedom. Our party will be engaged not to allow those who fought for Kosova remain in margins.

ZERI: What are the relations of the United Democratic Party and Thaci‘s government, do you have members from the ranks of the Kosova‘s Provisional government?

MAHMUTI: One of the decision of the founding parliament of PBD is that we unreservedly support the government of Mr. Thaci, considering it a legitimate government. We have no way of telling who from the current ministers will eventually join our party.

ZERI: How do you see the role of the KLA in the military and political aspects after the end of war?

MAHMUTI: We as a party support the transformation of the KLA into a modern army, in other words we support a transformation of the KLA that will give the people of Kosova a wholeness of defensive mechanisms, either for preserving the territorial integrity or the order.

INTERVIEW: Natasa KANDIC, the executive director of the Fund for Humanitarian Rights

SERBIAN STRATEGY WAS TO KILL AS MANY ALBANIANS AS POSSIBLE

ZERI: Serbian regime intensified the violence on the Albanian population after March 24. What information did you have those days about the killings and massacres of the Albanians by the Serbian troops?

KANDIC: In general, I had information about the killings and massacres, about the unprecedented genocide, which exceeded the tragic dimensions of war in Bosnia, too. I remember quite well the situation during the first days in Prishtina, when Serbian forces, in a barbaric way, executed lawyer Bajram Kelmendi with his two sons. It was clear that parramilitaries of all colors ha free hands to do whatever they wanted to do in the hell of Kosova; kill, butcher, rape, loot, while not knowing under whose command they were. The Serbian terror had spread into other parts of Kosova, while I remember March 24, 25, 26 when the situation in Peja was terribly bloody. You couldn‘t tell who was running to kill and butcher as many Albanians possible.

ZERI: Those war days you had visited several regions of Kosova. What did you, actually, go through?

KANDIC: Masked Serbian forces had only one goal: to kill as many Albanians as possible. In the case of the killings of the civil population, there was no criteria who should be killed. May saw some of the worst crimes in the war in Kosova, crimes that were worse, more macabre, more terrible and anti-human than those during the war in Bosnia. Serbian forces have committed crimes against Albanian children, women and men, crimes that by way they were committed cannot be seen in any war, and which human logic can hardly comprehend. I would particularly stress the burning of victims before being killed. There were even cases when Serbian forces burned the environment, the location where they committed crimes. There are indications of Albanians even being burned alive.

ZERI: Do you think that one day Milosevic will find himself on the bench of the accused in Hague?

KANDIC: In the case of Milosevic, for the first time the world has to do with a head of a state indicted as a war criminal, therefore this should be taken very seriously. Now even the state of Yugoslavia is considered a terrorist state. I think that the democratic world will undertake concrete steps to bring Milosevic to the Hague Tribunal for war crimes in Kosova. I also agree that in the case of Serbs we can talk about a collective culpability, but nevertheless the responsibility is individual.

ZERI: Some think that the Hague Tribunal is late with gathering and verifying facts on the ground related to the Serbian war crimes in Kosova?

KANDIC: I am indeed surprised that those responsible, the professional investigators of the Hague Tribunal for war crimes, are so late. Even more when full and free conditions were created in Kosova for investigating war crimes. There are over 80-90 uncovered massive graves where there should be specialists investigating. It is surprising that in all those locations journalists come before specialists. While, Mrs. Louise Arbour herself has not come to Kosovo, this is a surprise to me.

U.S.A. ­ KOSOVO

WAR FOR PEACE BEGINS

Isuf HAJRIZI, Washington

So peace could take place it is critical that the blood of hatreds calm down, consider Western office holders. In this direction, it is expected from the Albanians to forget the horrors of their recent past, of a past that still continues, when the word "hell" did not seem as terrible compared to reality.

Not only Westerners are engaged here, but also the Serbian and Albanian officials who in their own way try to satisfy the West and their people at the same time. Representatives of the Kosova‘s Provisional Government call on those Serbs who have not been engaged in atrocities not to leave from Kosova, while Milosevic in order to convince Kosova Serbs not to depart Kosova, while Milosevic to convince Kosova Serbs, who had long ago given them his word that he would protect them until the end, and now in every way tries to present the situation in Kosova as becoming more and more stable.

It is time when enemies turn into friends. Milosevic‘s total isolation is among major aims of the Washington, therefore in spite of the outside threats, we should now build an internal isolation. In other words, leaderships in Montenegro, Macedonia and Kosova should be linked between them in a political aspect against Belgrade. Not incidentally president Clinton met the leader of Montenegro, Macedonia and phoned Thaci after he had signed the agreement for the disarmament of the KLA. Of course now those that Washington prefers are Djukanovic, Georgievski, Thaci and Majko.

A diplomatic source in Washington stated that the mandate of "preferred" for these new leaders will last. Another primary task for NATO is the investigation of crimes. This week the United States has sent more than 50 FBI agents to investigate crimes. It is believed that beside 5 arrest warrant released some time ago by the Hague Tribunal for Milosevic and five of his generals, there will be other warrants for other Serb criminals. Arresting war criminals will be the only way to begin, to a degree, the healing of wounds that war had opened.

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