ZERI DIGEST, No. 1 (June 12, 1999)

THE CONTINUANCE

By Blerim SHALA

So we are continuing then.

It has often been said and written, especially after the tragedy of the ruination of the Albanian state itself, in Spring 1997, that we are accursed to return to the Position Zero, to start from the beginning.

During this Spring the Serbian regime has worked toward making the number of Albanians in Kosova equal to Zero, that the past of the Albanians in Kosova also be identical to Zero (it is known that many expelled had their documents taken and torn, in other words that Kosova Albanians return to the Position Zero

Now we know that we will not begin our life, as individuals, from Zero, scattered around the world, but we will return to Kosova, to continue our life in and for Kosova.

The ultimate settlement of the Kosova question, according to the Serbian regime, with the Zero Perspective for the Albanians, has now turned into the final desertion of Kosova by Serbia.

So, we continue as "Zeri", too. We will be here with you, we hope very soon in Kosova, and everywhere where there are Albanians.

THE AWAKENING FROM ANESTHESIA

By Shkelzen MALIQI

The internationalization of the war in Kosova has brought quite an unexpected consequence: after the beginning of the NATO air strikes, the Albanian political scene suffered a total collapse. On the one hand this collapse was due to extremely brutal reactions of the Serbian military forces. The total repression, the liquidation of intellectuals and political activists, as well as the massive deportation of Albanians in surrounding countries (Albania, Macedonia, Montenegro), broke the elementary communication between the people and disabled the work of all the so-called "parallel" organizations and institutions. On the other hand, as it came out, those "parallel institutions" were not prepared at all for the war. The splinter that had happened within the Albanian movement in the early 1998, when the moderate political wing was detached from more militant groups that had started the armed rebellion has been overcome, in the meantime. Even though the Kosova delegation was completed at the Rambuillet Conference (afterwards in Paris), the influence on the ground of politicians and rebels had remained clearly cut: rural parts of Kosova were mainly controlled by the KLA, while the urban parts were under the control of the "politicians" who did not know how, or did not want to, include of the civil resistance measures of self-defense in the structure in case the war were to expand by covering the towns as well. Neither of the sides had seriously taken the threat of the massive exodus, even though they were quite aware, and they were stating this publicly, that the goal of Serbia was the cleansing of Kosova by Albanians.

Kosovar negotiators, most of them, had returned from Paris with the mistaken evaluation of the direction of the crisis, or in spite of the obvious threat they simply considered that they should "remain with the people" without envisioning the forceful movement of the population outside Kosova. It came out that those of Rambuillet found themselves isolated, without any communication with the world. Ibrahim Rugova remained in Prishtina with his family, with Serbian police looking after him, virtually treating him as under house arrest. Hydajet Hyseni, Bajram Kosumi and Mehmet Hajrizi moved with the KLA units, where Hashim Thaci had also arrived, but by other routes. These people were later to be appointed ministers of the temporary government, and would move into Albania. Fehmi Agani, Veton Surroi as well as some others that had returned from Paris as the advisors of the delegation, had decided to hide. While Rexhep Qosja, Edita Tahiri and Blerim Shala were lucky to get out of Kosova, disguised and by mixing with endless lines of the deported Albanians. Few days before the beginning of the forceful exodus, Qosja had called the Kosovar people, and had, actually, ordered them to not leave Kosova at any price. But, with the start of the big pogrom he was among the first, with his shaven beard, and disgracefully, crossed the border of Kosova with Macedonia, in order to seek shelter in Albania, afterwards. He spent some time there in silence, as other leaders, who also had no chance to speak out or did not have anything to say. Rugova, While being under the control of the Serbs, Rugova became an object of public manipulation of the Milosevic’s regime. The political anesthesia of the Albanian leadership lasted for six weeks. Only the KLA and LBD had anxiously and, according to some, prematurely decided to announce the new provisional Kosova government. This government was "self-elected" and "self-proclaimed" based on the political coloring represented in the Rambuillet Conference. But this government was proclaimed without a concrete approval and without the DLK representatives delegated. The DLK had been reserved a post of a deputy prime minister as well as some less significant sectors.

The attempts to make a big compromise or to achieve a closer cooperation between the new government and the existing government in exile, headed for many years by Bujar Bukoshi, did not bring any result.

From early May, the bitter Albanian reality looked like this: two governments, a disastrous situation on the ground, endless lines of the expelled, a collapse of the political structure. An impression was made that the political arena of Kosova is blocked, or under deep anesthesia.

But, when Belgrade suddenly decided to release Rugova, processes started taking another course. Only two days later Milosevic’s regime demonstrated the unpredictability of its criminal actions. Those two events started an avalanche of political speculation. Kosova¹s political arena was waking up from anesthesia with hot slaps on the face. Why was Rugova released and why was Agani killed? Did this mean that Belgrade was getting prepared to sign the agreement with the West, and due to this it was enabling a "pass" and a "revival" to its political partner in the Albanian leadership, the one that suited him the best? Or was Milosevic with these contradictory actions simply trying to cause confusion and splinter among the Albanians in order to damage and question the credibility of the NATO intervention in Kosova?

Since the beginning of the negotiating process which, by the way, was progressing in zigzags, and since the beginning of war, Milosevic was continuously investing and counting on causing a splinter among the Albanian leaders. Rugova had, sort of, become a cause of trouble in the Albanian movement. On the other hand, it was obvious that Agani was playing an extraordinary role in getting closer the troubled fractions of the Albanian movement and making them cooperate. Most likely Belgrade did not like the fact that Agani, right after Rugova’s release, was trying to return into the political process. His family confirms that this was exactly the motive why Agani, until then in hiding, was headed outside Kosova. "Now we will have accusations and splinters. This can be avoided..." The Belgrade regime was also aware of this, and it is assumed that the order for Agani’s liquidation was given from high levels in Belgrade.

After Agani’s killing, there were only the KLA and the LBD on the political arena of Kosova, and Rugova with DLK striving to revive. While under house arrest in Kosova, Rugova was found in a tragic-comical situation. He seemed as a marionette and a rag. It looked as if a grave was being prepared for Rugova and that he would certainly, even if he remained alive, be politically dead. But after his release, even though he was acting strangely in certain cases, and was not stating anything nor apologizing for the foolish things he had done, Rugova succeeded in reviving politically, and he now talks as he used to do before. Whether he will succeed to return into the position and the authority he had before this, it is uncertain, but one should not doubt that he still has considerable support in a part of the Kosova citizens. This could be seen during his visit to the Stankovec camp, where he was greeted with exhilaration. But, whatever the estimation of the real support he has, that is something that can not be determined without more exact public surveys. One can broadly assume that he has the support of at least 50% of the people, as shown in some surveys from few months ago, or even the half of that, if in the meantime a part of his supporters were disappointed with his conduct. And this assumption makes you question that he, as far as his influence, may have been equaled to his main rival, Hashim Thaci. But, the overall trend for him is a losing one, while the new and ambitious prime minister, even though he still has a space in which he will show himself, has more maneuvering space than Rugova, who is paying a high price of ignoring the institutions and people who had helped and supported him, including the loss of the main protagonist of his party and the movement, Agani.

Anyhow, the rivalry of the last weeks has marked the end of the anesthesia and the revival of the political scene in Kosova, now in exile. Will this rivalry lead toward finding a big compromise, as it previously happened in Rambuillet, or will the stubbornness and splinter prevail, we cannot exactly predict at this point. US Secretary of State, Madeleine Albright has once again taken on her shoulders the repair of the cracks within the Albanian movement, by getting Thaci, Rugova and Qosja together. But, we can say that after Rambuillet, where the unity was so important, today¹s splinter can not have tragic consequences. the main task regarding the status of Kosova and the return of the people expelled is, anyhow, being carried out by the NATO and high diplomatic offices. Albanians, all the relevant groups, have given their approval to the principles of the resolution of the Kosova question, and no one will ask them again if they want to revise the documents that were prepared for approval as a resolution of the UN Security Council, and which has been approved and will be applied as an interim settlement. The conflict between two political streams in Kosova, within this context, may be considered only as a new tactical positioning in a battle to secure the control in the local political scene in Kosova. But this control will, in fact, be something of a second or third hand. Initially, as some years ahead, there will be an international protectorate installed in Kosova with an executive power which will limit the aspirations and possibilities of the local leaders. The dilemma whether we support the Shawl or the Snake has no big implication in the future process, while the sovereign instance of decision will be in the hands of the protector, whoever he may be.

A LIFE AND A DEATH FOR KOSOVA

By Mentor Agani (Fehmi AGANI¹s son)

Three days before the war

On Sunday, March 21, three days before the bombardment of Serbia, my father returned from Brussels where, after the Paris meeting, he went with Hashim Thaci, Edita Tahiri and some other members of the Albanian delegation, to meet general Wesley Clark. "The war between NATO and Serbia starts in the coming two or three days", he said briefly. He was not answering the question "Why have you returned then, why didn’t you stay abroad"; he was just looking at me with surprise, as if asking: "Do you understand what you are asking me?"

The fiercest attack against Albanians in Prishtina began on the third night, which we all spent at aunts’ Sh.

When the population of Dragodan was displaced, me, my father and my mother were able to get out of the house few moments before they came into our yard, and had already started breaking in our neighbors house. We hadn’t gone even twenty yards when Serb soldiers, already in our yard, began threatening us to hurry. My father took a nitroglycerin pill while we were walking. A crowd of people had surrounded him. "What are we going to do, professor?" That was a question everyone was asking him. He was turning pale, and that was the only answer he could give them. Then, after a while, he took another nitroglycerin. "You can do the best you can", he told the crowd which had surrounded him, "I will stay". My mother took him away from the crowd. "Where are we to stay? We have already left our house!". "We will stay at Rexhepis’", he said, referring to Rexhep Ismajli. "I will stay with you", I said, "until I see you to Rexhepi’s house". He was looking at me angrily. "No", he said, "you will go". Not unless you come with me, I responded. "It’s not appropriate for me to flee", he said.

"You, Mentor go with uncle Rexhep", he said to me. "I am going to stay with you"... "Go", he said with a soft voice and continued saying saying something that I will carry with me as a prophecy. "I lived my whole life for Kosova. I have only to die, as well, for Kosova. You certainly have to die for Kosova too, but before that you have to live your life for it".

By the end of April we started thinking about getting out to Macedonia. The next day we woke up at four thirty in the morning. We had decided to walk to Fushe Kosova, since my father didn¹t want to cause any eventual trouble to anyone if he were to take us by car. We decided that my father should wear a shawl tied around his head.

We got on the train around six thirty; the train started off a quarter to seven. In the Lipjan station a large number of gypsies got off the train. The same ones that every evening came to Prishtina so they could, together with their compatriots of the saint nation, loot every night. My father and my mother kept silent. They sank deep in their thoughts. It is war time and a time when you don¹t say what you think. You only think about what you are not saying.

Somewhere half on our way, the police got into our compartment. They asked me for my ID I told them I didn’t have one. Why, they asked. I left it in Dragodan. Now you the army is there and no one is allowed, not even for ID. What is your name, they asked me. I gave them a name. Where do you work. I gave them something. They got out of the compartment. In the outside aisle they asked for an ID a man who couldn’t speak Serbian. Seeing this they took him with them. He returned after a while and told us he was given two slaps.

While Gypsies were getting off at the Lipjan station, no one was boarding off at other stations. Only people boarding, and all of them Albanians. In later stations no one was boarding or getting off. The towns were totally destroyed. Hani i Elezit, where the train made its final stop, was most destroyed of all. All of the houses there were destroyed. Aside from the train that we boarded, there was no signs of life in Hani i Elezit; only signs of the Serbian police and military.

The conductor who we had talked to when we got our tickets, came by and told us that the border was closed, so the police was not allowing us out. Some went out only to ask the police officers why they were not letting us out. The police officer gave no explanation, so they returned inside.

We realized that they were not going to allow us to get close to the border. We were told that the train was due to return after three hours, ten minutes to one. Long awaiting. During those three hours, my father went outside in the aisle and was leaning on the window. Sometimes I went and talked to him, sometimes my mother did that. He told me that he was very sorry that we couldn¹t go out because, he repeated once again, he was realizing that our leaders would start their quarrels again. He could have certainly done something about that, if not prevent those quarrels then at least amortize the blows that we could give each other. I saw he was really frustrated that he would not be able to give his contribution in this regard. Then after a while, my mother went out and she was talking to him. I saw she was begging him to get off the train and try and hide somewhere in the mountains or someplace else while the train was leaving, so they could stay on the border. I saw my father refusing this. "I can’t do that", he was saying. "I simply am not prepared for that". "What do you mean not prepared", my mother asked him. "I don’t have my mind set for that", he answered. "I don’t have my mind set for that". We spent three hours in these kind of conversation. At a due time, ten to one, the train set to return. The conductor came to give us tickets so we could return from the unfinished journey. The journey back was like the rewinding the first one. The broadcast from the morning was as a film turned around. And on our way back, we had the turned around broadcast with a very bad content. This was when you could see that the opposite of bad of the bad is not the good.

When we arrived in Lipjan, once again the bad of bad. Now there were Gypsies boarding the train preparing for the looting of the next evening. Unlike in the previous stations, when there were Albanian passengers getting off the train during the morning.

The train had just started traveling from the Lipjan station and all of us were preparing thinking that we would soon arrive in Fushe Kosove. When suddenly... the train stopped. You could hear shouting, cursing from the outside. All you could hear inside was: "What happened?" We were all asking that question. Numerous policemen had surrounded the train outside, and held their automatic rifles pointed at our windows. We were all taken out followed by shouting. All the passengers of the train suddenly found themselves in the station, surrounded by the police. They had their guns pointed at us. They didn’t recognize my father, due to the shawl on his head. We were taken, followed by shouts and curses, into a big pit. "Where are we?", those who did not know were asking. "In Dobreve", responded those who knew. In that pit we were ordered to sit. "Documents", they were shouting. They were asking for all the documents we had. Identity documents, property documents, documents asserting the ability or inability of any sort, health care cards, apartment property papers, certificates, university indexes, drivers licenses, car insurance or insurance of any sort, whatever document we find, he will get a bullet in his head. They were shouting while asking for the documents. Us three didn’t have documents. Those few documents we had, we left behind in order to hide our identity.

There were around forty to fifty police officers, with helmets, metal jackets and guns pointed at us. On the side, some fifty yards from the crowd, there were also five or six soldiers. They were only looking. After taking the documents, the police officers, still threatening that if anyone is found for any kind of document will get a bullet in the head, started going around the crowd that was seated. Threatening while shouting. "Now", they were shouting, "we will see you on bus to Albania. And on your way we will bomb you with our planes and will say that NATO did this. Isn’t it so? But, why lose our drivers, they were shouting. When we don’t need to bomb the buses, we can take your young boys and execute them, and than dress the corpses in KLA uniforms and tape them and show them on the television proving our victories against the KLA. And you think we can’t do that. But, now we will show it to you."

And they took some fifteen up to twenty boys. They had them lined up. Two police officers, who were supposed to execute them, were put facing them. The leaders of the police officers were saying to the boys lined up. "You have only ten more minutes of life. You don’t deserve even that, but we are giving a little more time so you can think if you made a good choice of being against Serbia and asking for NATO". The boys lined up for execution were looking in dismay.

At that point my father put his hand in his jacket pocket under the coat and took out a notebook with phone numbers. He gave it to me so I could tear it. "All of those whose names appear in there are in life danger if they find this", he said. I was just doing what he had told me, when he started taking off the shawl he had.

"What are you doing?" I asked him.

"They won’t kill me", he said, "but will try to use me as they did with Rugova".

"Are you sure?" I asked him pointing out toward the policemen. "You see them".

"Listen", he said, "they have had so many executions, so one execution more doesn’t mean anything to them. Whereas capturing Fehmi Agani is a greater success for them than an execution."

While saying this he took off the shawl and his coat. And then, pretending that his back was aching, and while rubbing it, he started getting up. Everyone in the crowd was seated, except him pretending that he could not stay seated. And, in fact, he was trying to make the police see him. Statements that I heard later that Serb police had discovered Fehmi Agani on the train to Macedonia, were not true. Fehmi Agani exposed himself to the police by trying to divert their attention from the execution of some twenty youngsters. This was an act of self-sacrifice, in an attempt to do something so he could prevent the execution that was being prepared. Fehmi Agani was a man who, in extreme conditions such as those of war, could disguise in a way that no one would recognize him, but he was not a person who could have watched twenty young Albanians being killed, and see him staying aside and not reacting somehow, even by self-sacrifice, as he finally did. Now, when I remember a part of the life I lived with him, I arrive to a conclusion that during his entire life Fehmi Agani was Fehmi Agani; but he was never as much Fehmi Agani as in the moment when dismayed by the faces of those twenty young Albanians, he started taking off his shawl and the coat which he used as his disguise. I know that he was aware that no one in that crowd was more threatened than himself, but for as much it was a great danger for him, there was a greater danger for the others, in particular for those youngsters. He was in his element only when he self-sacrificed; and he was never more in his element than when he exposed himself to the Serb police, which consequently caused his killing. He was noticed by the Serb police. But, at the beginning no one had reacted. They had just continued the execution procedure. Finally, after those ten minutes, they did not go on with the execution. "We are nice", they were saying. "we won’t kill you unless you beg us for that". "We are certainly going to kill you, but first we will put you in such a situation that you will beg us to kill you. So the killing will be a proof of our mercy toward you, rather than a proof of our cruelty".

When passing beside us, they were looking at my father with their eyes wide open. Once, when one of them was passing by, I heard someone saying to the other: "See that’s the man who put the NATO on our back."

Then the torture continues. One of the police officers stopped in circles that were made around the crowd, he points his gun at the people and starts shouting meditating on himself and the crowd. "Do you see where you are now? Do you see now who I am? I am the one who decides about your life and your death. I am a God for you. And, why should you make millions and tens and fifty millions of marks, and I have to live with my salary of hundred marks. Me, your God, hundred marks, and you, filthy Albanians, with tens of millions... do you want to really see that I am your God."

And he was moving his gun from one to another. The crowd was silent. They were seeing that they were dealing with a God who was incapable of making more than hundred marks a months. The police had left aside Gypsies, who had boarded in Lipjan, and were also forced to board off, they were not tortured. When passing by their side, police officers talked to them. Someone could have said that dog doesn’t bite the other dog. I am in a dilemma whether to use that expression. So I wouldn’t offend the dogs.

I don’t intended to describe, and even if I wanted I could hardly have described all the psychological tortures against the passengers that have boarded off. Two and a half hours, full of bad things that only Serbian chauvinistic mind can imagine.

You can imagine how unthinkable that was.

After this, the police officers started returning the documents they had taken away. Three buses had arrived, in the meantime, in which we were supposed to be taken somewhere. Since us three had not given any documents, we were among the first to rush into the bus. Due to my father’s weakened health condition it was important to get him a seat, since it was clear that there would not be seats for all, because all of the train passengers were to be fit into only three buses. Buses were located nearby the soldiers, who kept aside and were only watching. Upon entering the bus one of the soldiers looked at my father. When we got on we saw him following us.

After my father was seated the soldier called him saying: "Excuse me, can I talk to you outside for five minutes?"

My father got up and followed him. When they went outside, my mother, who was also there, followed them. She spoke to the soldier. Later I realized she had asked him to go with them, but the soldier had told her that the talk would take only five minutes, telling her to wait in the bus. My mother got on the bus. The soldier, accompanied by yet another soldier and my father got into a car. Afterwards, inside the car, he had taken the microphone of the radio station he had inside, and had a lengthy talk with someone. I was seeing him talk from the bus window. I looked at the watch when the conversation started, and when it had ended. He talked from twenty five minutes after five until thirty four after. Then, he returned the microphone on the stool, started the car and headed toward Lipjan. At this point me and my mother tried to get off the bus, but were not allowed by the police officer.

This was the last time I saw my father.

Some two or three minutes after my father being taken, the bus carrying me and my mother, headed in the opposite direction from which the car had taken. The bus was overloaded, there were some hundred and fifty passengers. My mother made her way to the driver and asked him to stop the bus so we could get off since they had taken away her husband. The driver sad: "that is forbidden". After a short time, the bus was stopped at the Prishtina bus station. It stopped only to let an acquaintance of the driver off, but the crowd pushed so strongly from the door, so there was no way for the driver to stop them. "Stop. Stop" he was shouting, but no one was listening. We got out together with the crowd. We headed toward uncle R. house. We were walking quickly terrified with what might have happened to my father, we were covered in sweat. We told uncle R. about everything. He was only thinking, and at the end, exhausted, he said: I had early senses that you should have not taken this journey at the first place? His wife told us that uncle R. could not sleep all night from that sense he had. We went to a house of uncle R. relative who was not there, and who had a last name with "vic", therefore he still had a phone connection. We phoned my brother in Macedonia from there and told him what had happened. Then, I phoned a friend of mine who had been sheltered in Podgorica, and after telling him about the event and my father being taken by the army, I asked him to inform Tiery, the head of the "Mercy Corps". This was all we could have done at those moments. The night had fallen, and with the night all the activities in Prishtina ceased. All but those "goodies" that were being sent to Serbia, and Serb’s activities, who was trying to find water and they could not find a single drop of it. Increasingly concerned me and my mother were going from one room to another not knowing what to do. We continued that until two after midnight. Then we fell asleep. The following bay we woke up at five in the morning. Around six thirty my mother went out to ask whether someone had heard about my father. I wanted to go too, but she was concerned about me, so I listened to her advise staying back and waiting. I was walking up and down the room as a lunatic. The waiting had been extended too much. At some point I began worrying about my mother wondering if something had happened to her. My mother arrived around five in the afternoon, after ten hours of search.

Nothing.

She had looked for him from one police station after other, form one checkpoint to another, asking one police officer to other, from a prison to another prison. And wherever she went all she got was only cursing and threats. The concern and the confusion was becoming intolerable. With the dark falling again, we went up and down the room, making plans where to look for him tomorrow. We were thinking of going to Fushe Kosova and Lipjan.

That night we fell asleep only at three in the morning. The next day we woke up at six. Not knowing what to do we got a small radio and started listening to the Prishtina news in the Serbian. The six thirty news. At the end... bad news.

According to Tanjug, Fehmi Agani, one of Ibrahim Rugova’s closest associates, was found dead in the vicinity of Lipjan. It is assumed that Fehmi Agani was killed by the KLA due to their disagreements with him.

Terrified, me and my mother stared at each other. We cried. We hugged and stayed for long a strong grip and crying, stayed for a long time. And... then, in those tearful moments of me and my mothers... I remembered my father’s tears. Tears that he, as we for him, was shedding for Sali Ceku and Agim Ramadani. And I remembered what my inner feelings were trying to announce, but my pain would not allow.

"Dogs", I said to myself. "They accused the KLA. They accused the KLA for whose members my father shed tears."

What was I to do against Tanjug, will all its potential to spread its lies with only a phone of my neighbor, a phone which was most likely being eavesdropped.

Dogs! Dogs! There is not a single Albanian who could shoot at Fehmi Agani! Dogs...

After a while we woke up uncle R. He was numbed at the news. So numb that he could not say a word. We headed toward my brother¹s mother in law, Qamilja (Jaka). There my mother decided to go with her to the morgue. She didn¹t allow me. She was afraid from an even worse fate like that of Nekibe (Kelmendi). I was afraid not from that but from something I could understand, but in no way could I get that from my inside into conscience.

My mother went with Qamile to the morgue. I stayed back, because I was afraid of something that I understood but did not know. Sometime around nine o¹clock I found out that my brother, Shpend, in Macedonia had denied that my father was killed by the KLA and he had accused the Serbian police for that. Bravo! Bravo! Someone may found this unbelievable, but in those moments I felt happy. And I realized what I was afraid of. I knew all along that Shpend was going to deny the information. But, in the confusion of the pain I had, I had totally forgotten this possibility, totally normal for the course of events. And, now the official Serbia could blame for this only paramilitaries, in other words the uncontrollable units. While I was a witness to him being taken away by the regular Serb army units. In regular Serb army uniforms, with regular army insignias.

Its members kill only when they are ordered.

I was not afraid of myself, I was not afraid of my mother... I was afraid of my mother’s love. Tortures she could have gone through while they would torture me. This I feared. And I realized I should be hiding.

Some time after, I found out that the wording of the news had changed. The last part of the first news, the one about KLA committing the murder, was replaced with a sentence: "Regardless of who committed this crime, the killing of Fehmi Agani is a loss for all, because he was a man of peace...", etc. etc. Bravo Shpend!

My mother and Qamilja returned around twelve. She was controlling herself. Father was not massacred, there were no signs of torture.

A killing, with three bullets in his head.

"Only his head was in their way", my mother kept saying with a broken voice. Only his head.

Someone in the morgue had told her that the corpse had been there for two days. In other words, he was killed shortly after being taken away. And my mother was being cursed at while asking about his whereabouts. The burial was due to take place the next day. Burials were being done in yards, but we were allowed to do that in the city cemetery. With a difference that not more than four people were allowed at the burial ceremony, and that it could last only fifteen minutes. We were not aware of the game they were preparing us for by allowing us to bury him at the cemetery. But, the next day, once they started playing that game, we stopped it at the beginning. My mother had finished some required formalities, but there were still some left and she was supposed to take care of the following day. She was awaited by some Kosova Serbian officials who were expressing their condolence. My mother had told them that she doesn¹t accept their condolences. Then she was told that she had to give a statement for the police that was to investigate this case. She had told them that she didn¹t intend to give any statement whatsoever. They kill you in the evening and they mourn you in daytime.

My mother, my brother’s mother-in-law, my aunt and her daughter attended the funeral. When my mother went to take the corpse, the game they had prepared, and which I mentioned, had been revealed. My mother was awaited by Kosova Serbian officials and, through Selim Guxhufi, a disgraceful person who makes even disgrace sound polite, they expressed their wish to attend the funeral. She categorically refused this.

THE MAKING A STATE OF HOMELAND

By Blerim SHALA

What have we Albanians learned in our great suffering in the Spring of 1999? It looks as if this major lesson, this superior idea of us Albanians, whose suffering will certainly mark the year 1999 in Europe and in the entire world, is the conclusion which, perhaps, Jewish people had drawn in the first days of summer 1945, after surviving the Holocaust. There can be no Homeland without a State.

Only statehood gives a genuine identity to the Homeland.

This basic principal should be on top of the attempts of all those Albanians who will soon return to Kosova.

The statehood of Kosova, now as never before, is understood as a precondition of Albanians permanently remaining in Kosova, in their Homeland.

The principle of Kosova’s statehood is an authentic Western value, since it is based on the right of the self-determination of the people; because it derives from the will of the majority of the Kosova citizens, for this statehood is an outcome of the freedom of the expression of the Kosova citizens. Finally, because this statehood will be a contribution for the security and peace in the region and in Europe.

So in this year it was seen that there is no room in Kosova for the Albanians and for the Serbian regime, that the Western civilization is linked to Albanians remaining in Kosova, and to the departure of Serbian regime from Kosova.

Since the first day, in the second decade of this century, the Serbian presence in Kosova was a presence of violence, the remaining of Kosova in Serbia was kept by force. Therefore, the departure of the Serbian army from Kosova implies freeing Kosova from violence, implies Serbia’s departure from Kosova.

Serbia’s departure from Kosova, we now know for certain, was not possible, without the West getting more closely on the side of the Albanian in the issue of Kosova, and this is anyhow confirmed by the experience of all our efforts to free ourselves from Serbia. This positioning "toward us" by the West would have been impossible not only because of the Albanians not being ready for war, but also without the Albanian political potential to understand that the peaceful Agreement on Kosova, formulated at the Rambuillet and Paris Conference, had to be approved. The signing of this Agreement by the Kosova delegation, on March 18, in the capital of France, opened up the doors to the military intervention of the West, and opened up the path for the departure of the Serbian troops from Kosova.

The signing has shown that the Kosova leadership has realized that the statehood of Kosova cannot be achieved with an immediate step by redefining once and for all the Albanian-Serbian relations on Kosova through an Albanian-Serbian war, but that this statehood is a middle-term process which will be eased with the political, economical and military arrival of the West into Kosova.

In short, the Kosova Albanian leadership realized that Serbia cannot go out and that the process of the independence of Kosova cannot be initiated without getting having the NATO Alliance, the European Union and the OSCE inside Kosova.

Western protectorate, than Independence through referendum, this is an Albanian national strategy in Kosova.

WE WILL NOT ALLOW THE PARTITION OF KOSOVA

INTERVIEW: CHRISTOPHER HILL, THE US AMBASSADOR TO SKOPJE

Bardh HAMZAJ

ZERI: How do you see the end of the latest diplomatic round for the resolution of the Kosova problem?

HILL: We hope that he will agree to our demands and will start withdrawing his forces. If he is not prepared to accept the demands of the international community, we will be prepared to continue the strikes during the whole year. We are also prepared for any option toward realizing our goal.

ZERI: It appears that behind his verbal statement Milosevic is prepared to accept the demands of the international community. We have his goal to first achieve the cessation of the bombing and then take the advantage of eventual differences between decision-making centers in order to realize his plans. Are these differences such as to enable him to impose the game he has already tried in all the wars in Balkans?

HILL: I think that Milosevic is trying to use these differences, but all of the NATO countries were in favor of the air strikes and air strikes will end only when our demands are met. We will know how and when these demands are met.

ZERI: There are speculations in some expert¹s circles that Kosova, in fact, is before a partition into an Albanian and Serbian part. Will the NATO and the West allow that?

HILL: No. It is planned that some of the states that contribute forces take over the leading role in various zones in Kosova, but this doesn¹t mean that autonomous zones will be created, nor anything similar. We do not take part in this game, and the partition of Kosova is not our goal. There was a lot of speculation on this topic, but I don¹t understand very clearly where this speculation comes from. I have not discussed about this possibility in any of numerous talks I had with Serbs.

ZERI: The speculation for the partition of Kosova are mainly linked to the anticipation that in that 50,000 strong peacekeeping force, that is to be deployed in Kosova, there will be 10,000 Russian soldiers stationed in Serbian settlements and under a separate command separate from that of NATO. Can you tell us how will the Russian participation in the peacekeeping mission in Kosova look like?

HILL: I understand you, but there will be no problems as far as this matter.

ZERI: How is, then, this Russian participation in the peacekeeping mission in Kosova going to look like. Is it going to be under a single command, that of the NATO?

HILL: If we have Russian forces participate in this mission, this will be same as in the case of Bosnia. We had no problems in Bosnia as far as the commanding structure, and we will not have problems in Kosova, either. I would not say that Serbs are happy with the presence of the Russian troops there.

ZERI: In any case, they would bee happier with the presence of the Russian than NATO troops?

HILL: This depends on which Serbs do you talk to about this matter.

ZERI: What do you make up in general of the Russian stance as far as Kosova crisis?

HILL: This was a very difficult political question for internal relations in Russia. There are some situations in Russia that they consider similar to that in Kosova. Therefore, we had differences on this question in Russia itself. If we look at this question from that point, it comes out that the Russian government should be interested in solving this problem as quickly as possible.

ZERI: Don¹t you think that Russia¹s current role resembles the role that Milosevic has played in the case of Bosnia¹s Serbs and Karadzic in Dayton?

HILL: You are making an interesting. But, the role of Milosevic in Dayton was more earthly than the current role of the Russians. For example, Belgrade was first of all paying the expenses of the Serbian army in Bosnia, while we don¹t have any information that Russians are doing the same from Moscow. The role of Russia is not as strong as Milosevic’s role in Bosnia.

ZERI: What will happen with the Rambuillet Agreement that was signed by the Albanians side?

HILL: I certainly think that this will be the basis for a settlement, though I don¹t know whether it will be a precise formulae for the resolution of the problem.

ZERI: You are quite familiar with inter-Albanian relations. Currently we have two governments speaking on the behalf of the Albanians: that of Rugova, headed by Bujar Bukoshi, and the provisional government based on the Agreement reached between Albanian subjects in Rambuillet, headed by Hashim Thaci. What is the position of the US government on this matter?

HILL: Only 10 kilometers from where we are sitting, talking and watching this hard rain, we have thousands of Albanians in tents in camps. I think that the strength of the Albanian politicians should be directed toward the return of these people into their settlements. Even once an agreement on Kosova is reached, we will have a difficult task of bringing back those people. Even if there were 5 governments, they would still have quite a difficult task. I would want to see more energy consumed on the return of the refugees than on who should lead Kosova.

ZERI: Should the deportees count on returning into Kosova before the cold weather starts?

HILL: Prognosis in Balkans is not a good thing to make, but I am an optimist by nature. We will certainly succeed in bringing back refugees safely to Kosova.

ZERI: You will soon leave the post of the US Ambassador to Skopje. What are the impressions your are taking with you from the capital of Macedonia, and do you intend to further engage with the intensity shown so far on the Kosova question?

HILL: As far as the second part of your question, this depends on the others, not on me. I think that the task will be completed once Balkans becomes a part of Europe. When people are free to cross the borders of the Balkans states, when peoples of Balkans wont fear each-other. As far as Macedonia, I think it has progressed considerably during the last years. If some months ago someone said that Macedonia would take in 300,000 deportees from Kosova, no one would have believed that. We know that there were some problems, which sometimes were serious, during this period, but I hope in the future, when all this ends, people will remember how one people helped the other people. Macedonia is a state that should be involved in the global system of world security. And, this had to be done as a preventive measure, and we did that.

ZERI: You talk about the future of Balkans as being integrated into Europe. Do you think this can be achieved with Milosevic in power in Belgrade?

HILL: The policy he pursues is entirely contrary to this idea.

KOSOVO IN EXILE: WHAT IS HAPPENING WITH DLK

Rugova's total and unlimited power, has made this party a fan club, a party which is no more asked about anything and a party which is of no one’s interest, not even its president’s

Mufail LIMANI

"I am with Rugova". You can hear this everywhere, among crowds hiding in corners of Kosova, in towns and settlements where Albanians are kept as hostages, in refugee camps scattered around Macedonia and in Albania, as well as in the Albanian Diaspora dispersed in four sides of the world. "I am with Rugova", say many civilians horrified by the violence and de-humiliation, members of the so-called intelligentsia, prominent and anonymous politicians, but also people who have taken arms to fight with the KLA. "What kind of people are we. He is our president and we don’t respect him", say hundreds and thousands of Albanians. "And, what about his meeting with Milosevic, when massacres and the expulsion was taking place?" "But he had no choice than to talk that way..." "Why is, then, Rugova against the KLA?" "No, Rugova is not against the KLA. He has created the KLA, but he doesn’t say that. Finally, the entire world likes Rugova more than it likes the KLA".

This is an endless, monotonous dialogue repeated hundreds of times in all countries where you have two Albanians together, full of the sort that may make someone even laugh. But one can ask is there anything funny in our fate?

A one man’s party

There is.

"I am in favor for Rugova". "I am not against the KLA, but I am more in favor of Rugova". "I am against Rugova"... It is, indeed, comical, as well as tragic, that the entire political life of a nation should be linked to declaring oneself in favor of or against one man. How did this person become so important.

These days the public was informed that the vice-chairman of DLK, Naim Jerliu cannot contact with his president, Dr. Rugova, and all this was said in an article (with an information not denied until now), aimed against Adnan Merovci, the most enigmatic person in the Kosovar scene. "The good boss is surrounded by bad men", was the tone of that article. Recently, from time to time, we have information about the existence of DLK, about Rugova having a numerous and powerful party that can lead the people and can decide on all the matters. But, those working in that direction, have a new problem - dr. Rugova himself.

It is obvious that dr. Rugova is not interested in his party at this point. At least, this leadership, which apparently doesn¹t want to get into a conflict with the KLA leaders, is not interested in the party. Awaiting the creation of a new party leadership. dr. Rugova has entered mathematics which he orients toward close relations with his (one time detested) "prime minister", Bujar Bukoshi, which is orienting him toward reestablishing relations with (detested until yesterday) Sali Berisha, and above all, he has entered the mathematics that leads him toward new relations with Western European centers, in particular after Washington obviously does not recognize dr. Rugova the status of the leader of all Kosovar Albanians.

It is known that today’s Rome is across the ocean. It should be clear that Dr. Rugova has good chances to accelerate his sinking into live sand of intrigues of the big powers with his Italian efforts to preserve his previous status in the West... Actually, Washington DC has still not given up from Rugova, but only as from one of the main actors of the Kosovar politics, but it is apparent that this is not enough for dr. Rugova, and he even takes this as turning a back on him. His arrogant rhetoric, whenever he talks about KLA members ("boys") cannot leave an impression among those who know who can really do what in Kosova. Knowing this or sensing these new relations after Rambuillet, and following Rugova’s scandalous meeting with Milosevic, in the midst of our biggest nationals tragedy, current DLK leaders seem to prefer silence and stay aside. It appears that this current DLK leadership, even though personally elected by Dr. Rugova, has problems of all the DLK leaderships so far: the lack of a simple, "physical" contact with the president. This cannot be explained otherwise but as dissatisfaction with the president and presidency. Or, even worse, as a lack of any respect for them.

The never-ending story

And still, even without DLK, Rugova remains the strongest landmark in the Kosovar political specter. DLK has long ago become an association which gathers his admirers, rather than a serious organization which conceptualizes and implements a program or political ideas.

In the meantime, in tents of Macedonia and Albania, the story about Rugova as an American prophet among the Kosova Albanians, a story of the person who was to save Kosova without being burned if we all had listened, the story about the man who went to meet even with Milosevic, only in order to save his people, the old story about Rugova, which after ten years has, actually, become a story that has nothing to do with Rugova personally, but with the shaken psychology of a people that has went through the nine circles of hell, continues.

AWAITING FREEDOM IN THE VALLEY OF SNAKES... IN THE CEGRANE CAMP

By Behxhet HALITI and Agim ZOGAJ

Cegrane camp is a town in itself, approximately about the size of Kacanik, Viti, Kamenice, Decan, Leposavic, Zubin Potok, Malisheve, or some other small towns in Kosova... But, before we take a look on the life there, some statistics. There are nearly 280,000 persons deported from Kosova in Macedonia (over 150,000 have the humanitarian shelter staatus). Most of the people are settled with families: Skopje - over 50,000, Tetova - over 40,000, Gostivar - over 20,000, Kumanove - over 12,000, Struge - nearly 10,000, Dibra - over 9,000, Kercova - nearly 4,000. There are over 100,000 persons altogether deported in 9 camps in Macedonia. The largest camp of all is the one in Cegrane - with over 40,000 deportees, Stankovec I and Stankovec II have around 40,000, Neproshten over 7,000 , Sanakos nearly 7,000, Bojana - over 2,000 and Radusha - over 2,000 deported Kosovar Albanians. The transit camp in Bllace has up to 5,000 deportees during the day. Over 80,000 deported Kosovar Albanians have been transferred from Macedonia to "third countries" so far.

It is June. It is very warm in the camp. Even warmer in tents. They say that the temperature in tens goes up to even 40 C and above at noon. There is no way you can go out of the tent. Tents, tents and nothing but tents. Some, even though the camp is wired, "break" and go someplace else to find a shadow in bushes and trees around the camp. But, the danger from snakes, in this Valley of the Snakes, is permanent. Even daily newspapers have written about several cases of persons who bitten by snakes, and about cases of deaths of some of the occupiers of this camp.

The consequence of the day is seen in the evening, with the cooling, when cars continuously take people into field ambulances, says one of the camp residents, Rrahman Berisha from the village of Babimoc. We met all 16 members of the Sejdiu family from Greme of Ferizaj under a single tent. Milaim Sejdiu, the head of the family, had made himself a wooden fence around the tent. He made a fence around his "yard". He told us that the food that was served by the humanitarian personnel in this camp was not sufficient. It was 12 noon and Miliam told us that they has received only bread. We provoke him: "Why don't you sign up to go to some third country?" He says: "Kosova is the first, the second and the third country for me and my family". No, says Miliam, I don’t trust the news. I will believe once I see the back of the Serbs going out of Kosova, he says.

Nazmije Mehmeti from the village of Plemetin of Obiliq complains that life in the camp is as bad as it can get. I don¹t know, she says, until when we are going to stay here, but if the winter comes, I fear that there will be no one to return to Kosova. No one will be capable for a normal life anymore.

Abdullah Mehmeti, Gezim Mehmeti, Gjylia Ferizi were not in a mood to talk about the newspaper. A young man, who didn¹t want his name revealed, said that it is very difficult to stay insane in these temperatures over 40 C.

All 27 members of the Fetahu family from Dobrasheci of Gllogoc were kind of happy when we came to talk to them. ñ Oh brother, we live poorly, terribly, says the head of the family Xhelil Fetahu, surrounded by many small children. But, I hope we will make it. Besime Emini from the village of Shtedime, also talks about the difficult life conditions. But, in spite of that, she says, I will never sign up for leaving into third countries, to Europe, America and Australia. Kosova, she says through tears, is our life and there is no reason for us to get lost all around the globe. Kosova without us is not Kosova.

19 members of the Prenga family are settled in the tent B/19-20. The youngest child in this tent is one year old. Can you imagine the conditions and temperatures in which this child is growing, says Naile Prenga, pointing out to her little nephew. I myself, continues this old woman, suffer from hear and will go over everything just to return to Kosova.

But, there are also many who have signed to go abroad. That day in the camp there was a huge crowd around the buses that were going for Germany. German soldiers were reading the names and surnames, and in a line, after looking at the papers, straight into the bus. You can hear talks about different machinations in this regard. You hear talk about people who spend only a day or two in the camp and then board the bus for a third country, while those needy for different treatments remain here, though no one can document this.

In the Cegrane camp, since May 23, there is an elementary school "Dituria". The courses are held in tents, the personnel office is also nearby, and the management - too. The director of the school, Mr. Bejtush Gashi says that 140 teachers have been engaged in the teaching process for 5,000 elementary school students. This school is under UNICEF auspices. Students were given notebooks, pencils, erasers, books. Classrooms-tents have tables, blackboards. Students are also given food in the class.

HE WANTED "GREAT SERBIA", HE WILL REMAIN WITH ONLY "SERBIA PROPER"...

INTERVIEW: MILAN KUCAN, PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF SLOVENIA

ZERI: Is Milosevic’s concept a real political consequence of the war in Kosova, in other words of the war between Serbs and Albanians in Kosova?

KUCAN: Certainly, but this is also a conflict of political concepts of the Serbian elite in power and Kosovar Albanian elite.

ZERI: Are you not equalizing the culprit with the victim, respectively Serbs with Albanians?

KUCAN: Culpability is a special category. What I am talking about here are political concepts. If we talk about who is to blame, respectively about the accountability, it is very clear that most of the accountability is to be looked at the Serbian politics. Milosevic is the one who emotionally enflamed the Memorandum of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, during eighties. This is how he got to the power by manipulating with the Serbs discontent about the position of the Serbian people in former-Yugoslavia.

ZERI: What is Slovenia doing today about Kosova? How many refugees will it take in?

KUCAN: I think what we have in Kosova is not a tragedy of the Albanian people. Due to wrong concepts of the political elite, we have a human tragedy, a tragedy of those who have lived in peace for years in Kosova, even though one beside the other.

ZERI: You didn’t answer the question about the refugees?

KUCAN: As far as the refugees, it is very important for me how the world looks at the future of Kosova. If Kosova were to remain a province, in which in the future we will have Albanians as the majority and Serbs as a minority, than I think that the dispersion of the refugees throughout the world is a very big mistake. It would be better if we had helped in a humanitarian, material and other aspects those states that are bordering with Kosova, and that have taken in so many refugees. The decision for the fate of the refugees is, according to me, a decision for the future of Kosova.

ZERI: What are the settlement that the Slovenian diplomacy is engaging concerning the problem of Kosovo?

KUCAN: Our experience tells us - let us remember the war against Slovenia, Vukovar, Dubrovnik, Sarajevo, Srebrenica and now Recak - that violence can be stopped only by force. In this function I see the NATO military intervention: to stop violence by force, to prevent the humanitarian disaster, to have the Serbian armed forces withdraw from Kosova, to have internationally protected Albanians who were expelled return to their homes...

go to top

P.O. Box, CH-8031 Zürich, Switzerland
Phone +41-1-272 46 37,  Fax +41-1-272 46 82, email: info@MEDIENHILFE.ch