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Medienhilfe Ex-Jugoslawien

Professionelle Solidarität gegen Nationalismus und Chauvinismus
Professional solidarity against nationalism and chauvinism

1999 IHF-HR COUNTRY REPORTS ON HUMAN RIGHTS

International Helsinki Federation Human Right Reports
- extracts on Media situation

Macedonia

Freedom of Expression and the Media

During 1999, no major changes took place in the electronic media field. Authorities failed to take any measures to eliminate the widespread operation of pirate radio and television stations. Even those with concessions broadcast without paying the bills required by law. The 1997 law on the broadcasting activity remained in force, although it had been widely criticized for not providing independent and transparent licensing and bidding procedures.

The new government, which came into power at the end of 1998 and consisted of three coalition partners, swiftly changed the leadership of the governmental press, the MRTV and the publishing houses Nova Makedonija, Vecer (Macedonian language), Flaka (Albanian language) and Birlik (Turkish language). The MRTV openly gave its support to the government and its policies.

· In February, the Helsinki Committee began a media campaign for mutual ethnic tolerance. Its program was aired by all media outlets except the MRTV, who refused to broadcast the program even against payment.

In a positive development, new private publishing houses were opened, with the result that new newspapers were created, bringing a wider variety in the press and gradually destroying the monopoly of NIP Nova Makedonija. However, NIP Nova Makedonija still had the distribution monopoly. Independent newspapers were sold mainly by street-sellers.

There were no official criteria in 1999 for governing the allocation of budget funds to subsidize the media. Seventy-five percent of these funds ended up going to NIP Nova Makedonija, whose shareholder was the government.

The constitution, the law on public information, the law on broadcasting activity and the criminal code all guaranteed the freedom of speech. This freedom was questioned by the Broadcasting Council in a fax sent to A1 television station, which stated that with its criticism of the council’s work, A1 had changed its status from a concession holder to a «monitoring service,» a role that was not appropriate. In the same message, the council openly intimidated the station by announcing that it would revise the decision to issue a concession to A1.

Media coverage of the Kosovo refugee crisis was generally balanced and objective although media interest evidently decreased as a smaller wave of Serb and Roma refugees arrived later. Presidential Elections

Media coverage of the second round of presidential elections was similar to the 1998 parliamentary elections. The printed media - which was mainly financed by the state budget - and the MRTV gave biased support to candidates of the governmental coalition, although the MRTV, as a public broadcast enterprise, should have remained objective.

During the first round of elections, when six candidates were still competing, the MTV in particular reported extensively about the activities of the presidential candidate of the governing party, VMRO-DPMNE, who was the Deputy Foreign Minister at the time. The outlet covered, at length, all of his activities in the main news programs.

The publishing houses Nova Makedonija and Flaka followed the same practice. Before the campaign began, Nova Makedonija decided only to publish advertisements of the coalition parties. The Broadcasting Council issued recommendations for equal coverage in the electronic media, but the recommendation remained ineffective as there was no mechanism by which to punish those outlets that refused to follow the rules. During the second round of elections, the International Election Observation Mission reported partisan pro-governmental coverage by the MRTV, who supported Boris Trajkovski, while the private channel Sitel TV devoted a large proportion of news programming to a critique of the government. Other monitored electronic media, including A1, Telma, Channel 5, and TV Era, were largely neutral in their coverage. The pro-government and largely publicly-owned daily Nova Makedonija continued its biased coverage in favor of Trajkovski. Utrinski Vvesnik, again, exhibited a strong bias towards Tito Petkovski of the opposition SDSM. The observation mission noted that the coverage of Devnik was particularly balanced.

· On 14 November, the local, private, opposition-oriented television station Sitel (in Skopje) went off the air for several hours, allegedly due to an electric installation defect. On 5 December, the day of the second voting, Sitel and another private station A1" (near Kumanovo) went off the air again for several hours. The police initiated an investigation into the A1 case because its electricity was forcefully cut. Further, Sitel believed that its program was taken off the air intentionally by the management of the electricity company, whose leadership represented the VMRO. On 5 December, VMRO-DPMNE and its coalition partner, the DPA, had accused the two stations of breaking the pre-election silence by broadcasting "lies" from the local SDSM headquarters.

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